". . . That's for a court to decide."
Why? Why not Congress?
"Judicial remedies do exist. Bring them up on corruption charges. If convicted, they will be impeached, or will resign."
Please describe the specific charges on which you would indict. (Corruption is too vague for me to understand what you are thinking of.)
If there are applicable charges, who would you name as the aggrieved party? (I am very interested in hearing your theory, particularly if it is something citizens can initiate.)
If there is a judicial indictment that could be brought, why would you bother seeking to accuse through judicial indictment when articles of impeachment can accomplish the goal of leveling the accusation? As long as any remain on the court, removal is the top priority, which would necessitate impeachment anyway (presuming they don't resign first).
Whether or not you can identify black letter law, are you under the impression that members of the Congress are limited to the letter of the law in formulating articles of impeachment or passing judgment?
Impeachable offenses are defined and judged on the intent of the law, not the letter. Impeachable offiense are in, in reality, anything Congress says they are. (We empowered no other body to overturn them.)
If impeachable offenses were to be judged on the letter of the law, we would have vested the power to impeach in the judiciary.
We did not. We vested the power in congress.
The laws we have enacted are intended to SERVE our will, not thwart it.
We vested the power to impeach in Congress to ensure that our government officials do not subvert the intent of the law and abuse the power we allocate to them, whether or not they have violated the letter of the law.
"What it was not is "treasonous". Treason is exactly defined in the Constitution, and rendering a verdict in a case does not fall within the confines of that definition."
For your consideration (from
http://www.thenation.com/docprint.mhtml?i=20010205&s=bugliosi">None Dare Call it Treason):
. ..there are two types of crimes: malum prohibitum (wrong because they are prohibited) crimes, more popularly called "civil offenses" or "quasi crimes," such as selling liquor after a specified time of day, hunting during the off-season, gambling, etc.; and malum in se (wrong in themselves) crimes. The latter, such as robbery, rape, murder and arson, are the only true crimes. Without exception, they all involve morally reprehensible conduct. Even if there were no law prohibiting such conduct, one would know (as opposed to a malum prohibitum crime) it is wrong, often evil. Although the victim of most true crimes is an individual (for example, a person robbed or raped), such crimes are considered to be "wrongs against society." This is why the plaintiff in all felony criminal prosecutions is either the state (People of the State of California v. _______) or the federal government (United States of America v. _______).
No technical true crime was committed here by the five conservative Justices only because no Congress ever dreamed of enacting a statute making it a crime to steal a presidential election. It is so far-out and unbelievable that there was no law, then, for these five Justices to have violated by their theft of the election. . .
In a very real way, the five justices levied war against the United States, but even if you reject that their actions meet the definition of treason under Article III, the label treason applies to their action. The word treason is defined as "Violation of allegiance toward one's country or sovereign." In the United States, it is the collective will of the people that is sovereign. In usurping that will, the feloneous five committed treason.
"As long as the left is not only willing, but eager, to brood against old wrongs, rather than move forward with a progressive agenda"
What "positive agenda" can we move forward on under rule by signing statement?
If we allow those "old wrongs" to stand, what would stop the existing crop (or a new one) of fascist Justices from once against stopping states from resolving disputes and declaring a candidate the "winner" when more voters went to the polls to vote for more of the other guy's (or gal's) electors?
An election is not a contest -- it is a survey -- an effort to measure an objective reality.
While an election in a democracy may well have many of the trappings of a contest or competition, its purpose is quite different. That purpose is to poll the electorate and determine an accurate measure of their choice for a representative or magistrate. Like the census, it is intended to measure an objective reality. A contest is a more limited endeavor. And while campaigns are certainly treated by the media as sporting events, their purpose is simply communication to the only real stakeholders in the process, the voters whose intent an election is simply one method to gauge.
While it may be impracticable, there's no reason why we couldn't conduct our elections by hiring (bonded) agents to canvass the voters rather than requiring attendance at a "polling" place.
"We need to bring these men to justice, but it must be done in accordance with the law, not the "will of the people". "
In a true America, our collective will -- the "will of the people -- IS THE LAW.
We surrendered NONE of our collective sovereignty to the institutions, the "rules," and the principles we established in our Constitution.
As long as our representatives in Congress are lawfully elected (and that is currently in doubt), it is up to us to make our will known, and to demand that they are responsive to us. The extent to which the laws and resolutions they pass are express of our collective will is directly related to the number and diversity of those who participate.
The design of our constitution anticipated the need balance conflicting interests. When the laws we pass to address specific problems (or an interpretation of those laws) conflict with each other, or with the tenets of our Constitution, we look to the judiciary to resolve these conflicts in a manner that ensures that the application of the law is the best reflection of our will that can be achieved in an imperfect world. As we strive for a more perfect union it is the work of the Supreme Court to step in and judge whether applicable law and prior decisions are consistent with our guiding principles.
When the process fails, and the actions of our civil officials subvert our will, We the People reassert our will though impeachment and removal of those officials.
". . .That is fickle and changes with every dawning. One day it may be us who are on the short end of that stick. Remember "impeach Earl Warren"? They weren't able to pull it off, not because he was right, but because most Americans were on his side. But in the future that may not be the case."
I'm not following your point. We shouldn't make use our of constitutional processes for re-asserting our will because there are times that those processes are hijaaked by a fascist faction?
Sure, as we strive to create a more perfect union, we foul up. At times, a faction grabs power and asserts its will as the rest of are looking the other way. Until our current crisis, citizens have done a pretty good job of beating back such fascist efforts (took us awhile on some occasions).
When the number and diversity of the people who are involved increases, it may take longer to balance the conflicting interests and find solutions to the problems we face in a way that serves the common good (while addressing the needs of this or that cohort). At any given point in the process, one set of factions or another may be "winning."
But, the ups and downs as we resolve the conflicting interests of the various factions (whatever they label themselves) in and of themselves don't threaten the moral principles we have set forth in the design of these United States.
People fall into to two camps. Either they work to engage more people (or sit it out, satisfied with what those who are engaged are doing), and trust the outcome when our institutions are operating as we designed, or they don't trust, they seek to limit participation, and to impose their own will "for the good of the people." It is the tension between these fascist and anti-fascists forces we must be most vigilent about:
- Anti-Fascists
Those who believe in Democracy. And, as Clinton put it in the Wallace interview "Democracy is about way more than majority rule. Democracy is about minority rights, individual rights, restraints on power."
- Fascists
Those who believe their faction has some inherent to impose their will on the rest of us. Whether you label it monarchy, aristocracy, or theocracy, it is all fascism.)
Right now, too many of us have surrendered our sovereignty and have allowed a fascist faction to successfully corrupt the institutions though which we express our will in ways that usurp our will.
We are incapable of representing our interests and "moving forward with a progressive agenda" when the institutions through which we express our will have been hijacked.
As Arianna put it "You don't worry about rearranging the furniture when you house is burning."
Well, our "house" has been nuked by a fascist faction. Right now, we have representatives who are complicit with the fascist by carrying on, business as usual, and thus supporting the pretense that the United States is still operating under our common contract -- the Constitution of the United States.
The contract is in breach.
We must re-assert the terms. We provided mechanisms for doing so in the contract itself. Impeachment is the provision to use when we are in a "state of emergency" as is the case right now.
. . .That to secure these rights, Governments are instituted among Men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed. That whenever any Form of Government becomes destructive of these ends, it is the Right of the People to alter or to abolish it, and to institute new Government, having its foundation on such principles and organizing its powers in such form, as to them shall seem most likely to effect their Safety and Happiness. Prudence,
". . .if you think that Bush, or any of the justices, will ever be impeached UNLESS WE WIN THIS ELECTION.
Running on the impeachment of Bush and Cneney is not just the right thing to do. It is the winning thing to do. The biggest problem the dems have is their image as wimps. Standing up and fulfilling their oath by demanding impeachment demonstrates the kind of strength and principle.
If the keep their silence, as it appears they are hell-bent on doing, they fail to nationalize the election and make it all about Bush (something the repubs are terrified of). They don't just look weak, they look like hypocrites if they win, and then stand up for impeachment when it is "safe."
Fighting on principle only when it is "safe" to do so is contemptable.