It's nothing more than an agreement between friends--Uribe and his paramilitary pals who are his ardent supporters. Uribe was governor of a state where they are strong, and owns land in zones under their total control. It's a sweetheart deal between friends that has nothing to do with FARC or the decades long civil war, but more to do with Uribe protecting his drug dealing AUC pals who are closely tied to the US-funded military.
Colombia, worst human rights record in the western hemisphere, is the world's 3rd largest recipient of US military funding after Egypt and Israel--your tax dollars at work. :puke:
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The War on Human Rights in Colombia
Three Variations on a Theme from Uribe
By PHIILIP CRYAN
Bogota.
...His choice of the term "private justice groups" plays into an unfolding story, the historical dimensions of which make his attacks on NGOs look inconsequential. The Uribe administration proposed in August a peace deal with the United Self-Defense Forces of Colombia (AUC), the country's largest federation of right-wing paramilitaries. If the proposal passes Colombia's Congress, AUC troops would give up their weapons and offer symbolic reparations (primarily in the form of cash payments and social work); in exchange, they would receive amnesties from the President and not be required to serve jail time.
After ten years, their criminal records would be clean and they would be eligible to hold public office. Impunity would extend even to those leaders already convicted on multiple counts of crimes against humanity.The proposal has been pilloried by the United Nations, Human Rights Watch, European governments, dozens of NGOs, members of the U.S. Congress and numerous newspapers. Reuters, for example, posed the question of whether the government's
"conditional freedom" offer for the paramilitaries amounts to "allowing some of Colombia's most feared criminals to literally get away with murder." The Chicago Tribune titled their house editorial on the matter "Colombia's pact with the devils." Human Rights Watch calls Uribe's proposal "the impunity law."
Colombian Senator Rafael Pardo, one of Uribe's most devoted allies until the law was proposed, commented to El Tiempo (Colombia's largest newspaper):
"You turn in a farm and that compensates for a massacre?"...Traveling in southern Colombia's conflict regions, I have heard countless stories of
AUC massacres carried out with chainsaws and machetes--slow, public decapitations designed for their spectacular effects: as lessons to those watching. On two occasions I've been told of paramilitaries playing soccer with decapitated heads. In some urban areas they institute a "social control" system: miniskirts for women and long hair for men are prohibited; adulterers are made to wear Scarlet Letter-like marks of shame and homosexuals are run out of town or executed. Anyone suspected of collaborating with guerrillas--anyone in a trade union, doing human rights work, or trying to be a serious journalist or priest or mayor would fall in this category--is murdered, often after prolonged torture. The paramilitaries tell civilians not to move or bury the cadavers of their victims: "leave the bodies to rot in public, so the dogs can get at them," they instruct. On a trip to the southern province of Putumayo--the region where U.S. military aid has been most focused over the first three years of Plan Colombia--last December, I happened to arrive in the city of Mocoa the same day that the bodies of Giovanni and John, two brothers killed by the AUC, were discovered by their mother, who was just returning from a vacation. There were no bullet-wounds. The skin of their faces had been disintegrated by some kind of acid, likely applied while they were still alive.
...Yet "there is
98% impunity" for paramilitary actions, according to a government human rights official from another Putumayo city. "The police refuse to collaborate
." "The military and paramilitaries play volleyball and soccer together," says another civilian government official. Within a day of arriving in a Putumayo city, one can find out--even as an outsider--where the paramilitaries live, their names and ranks, even their military specialties. Whenever asked about collusion, however, military and police officers provide an unvarying response: "Prove it." "We can't act without evidence, without an official complaint being filed," a military commander recently told me. The military insists that civilians' claims of regular paramilitary killings are greatly exaggerated and deny outright the presence of paramilitaries in many cities they in fact control. This just to take one region of Colombia as an example.
The history of military-paramilitary collusion in Colombia is a long one--and it is within this history, finally, that Uribe's amnesty proposal (and other recent offensives against human rights and international humanitarian law) must be understood. This history, in turn, cannot be understood without analysis of the U.S. government's role in Colombia.
http://www.counterpunch.org/cryan10112003.html