|
http://www.m-l-p.com.nyud.net:8090/charleshormantruthproject/chtp_spot.jpg http://www.memoriaviva.com.nyud.net:8090/Ejecutados/Ejecutados%20H/Imagenes_EJE_H/charles_horman_and_joyce_1971.jpg His Wiki: Charles Horman (May 15, 1942 – September 19, 1973), an American journalist, was one of the victims of the Chilean coup of 1973 led by General Augusto Pinochet, which deposed the socialist president, Salvador Allende. Horman's case was made famous by Costa-Gavras' 1982 film Missing. Biography Horman was born and raised in New York City, where he attended the Allen-Stevenson School, from which he graduated in 1957. He then graduated from Phillips Exeter Academy in 1960 and Harvard University in 1964 and worked for a number of years in the US media. In 1972, he settled temporarily in Chile to work as a freelance writer. On September 17, 1973, six days after the military takeover, Horman was seized by Chilean soldiers and taken to the National Stadium in Santiago, which had been turned by the military into an ad hoc concentration camp, where prisoners were interrogated, tortured and executed. The whereabouts of Horman's body were presumably undetermined, at least according to the Americans, for about a month following his death, although it was later determined that, after his execution, Horman's body was buried inside a wall in the national stadium. It later turned up in a morgue in the Chilean capital. A second US journalist, Frank Teruggi, met with a similar fate. At the time of the military coup d'état, Horman was in the resort town of Viña del Mar, near the port of Valparaíso, which was a key base for both the Chilean coup plotters and US military and intelligence personnel who were supporting them. While there, he spoke with several US operatives and took notes documenting the role of the United States in overthrowing the Allende government. This discovery led to his secret arrest, disappearance, and execution. Efforts to determine his fate were met with resistance and duplicity by US embassy officials in Santiago, who knew Horman had been killed and the reason why. Book, film, and television depictions of the case The Horman case was made famous by the Hollywood film Missing (1982), directed by Greek filmmaker Costa-Gavras, starring Jack Lemmon and Sissy Spacek as Horman's father and wife, trying to discover his fate. Horman himself was portrayed by John Shea. The film was based on a book first published under the title "The Execution of Charles Horman: An American Sacrifice" (1978) by Thomas Hauser (it was later republished under the title Missing in 1982). When the film was released by Universal Studios, Nathaniel Davis, US ambassador to Chile from 1971 to 1973, filed a USD $150 million libel suit against the director and the studio, although he was not named directly in the movie (he had been named in the book). The court eventually dismissed Davis's suit.
In season 10 of Law & Order, the episode "Vaya Con Dios" was based on this murder.
State department memo For many years thereafter, the US government steadfastly maintained its ignorance of the affair. However, in October 1999, Washington finally released a document admitting that US intelligence agents played a role in his death. The State Department memo, dated August 25, 1976, was declassified on October 8, 1999, together with 1,100 other documents released by various US agencies which dealt primarily with the years leading up to the military coup.
Written by three State Department functionaries ?? Rudy Fimbres, R.S. Driscolle and W.V. Robertson and addressed to Harry Schlaudeman, a high-ranking official in the department's Latin American division — the August document described the Horman case as "bothersome," given reports in the press and Congressional investigations charging that the affair involved "negligence on our part, or worse, complicity in Horman's death." The memo was written while Henry Kissinger was Secretary of State.
The State Department, the memo declared, had the responsibility to "categorically refute such innuendoes in defense of US officials." It went on, however, to acknowledge that these "innuendoes" were well founded. The three State Department officials said they had evidence that "The GOC sought Horman and felt threatened enough to order his immediate execution. The GOC might have believed this American could be killed without negative fall-out from the USG ."
The report went on to declare that circumstantial evidence indicated "US intelligence may have played an unfortunate part in Horman's death. At best it was limited to providing or confirming information that helped motivate his murder by the GOC. At worst, US intelligence was aware the GOC saw Horman in a rather serious light and US officials did nothing to discourage the logical outcome of GOC paranoia."
After the release of the State Department memo, Horman's widow, Joyce, described it as "close to a smoking pistol." The same memo had been released to the Horman family more than twenty years earlier, but the above-mentioned paragraphs had been blacked out by the State Department. The latest version still has blacked-out passages, for reasons of "national security," but reveals more.
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Charles_Horman
Charles Horman Truth Project: http://www.hormantruth.org/
~~~~~ The Washington Post Friday , June 30, 2000 ; A19 Documents Released On Chilean Slayings
By Vernon Loeb and George Lardner Jr. Washington Post Staff Writers
Thirteen years ago, a Chilean intelligence officer fingered a notorious Chilean police official as having ordered the murder of American journalist Charles Horman shortly after a 1973 coup brought Gen. Augusto Pinochet to power, according to newly declassified documents.
While officials at the U.S. Embassy in Santiago thought the Chilean informant might be a plant and did not pursue his allegation, the incident provides a tantalizing new lead in the murder case that inspired the 1982 Jack Lemmon-Sissy Spacek movie "Missing."
State Department cables on the informant's detailed report about Horman's interrogation and execution are among 505 U.S. government documents released yesterday, the long-delayed fruit of a declassification effort ordered by President Clinton after Pinochet was arrested in London in October 1998. The aging ex-dictator has since returned to Chile; it is uncertain whether he will be tried there for human rights abuses.
The documents concern the fate of Horman and two other U.S. citizens, Frank Teruggi and Boris Weisfeiler, who were killed during Pinochet's rule. They provide little information about Teruggi, who, like Horman, was a journalist arrested for suspected "extremism" by Chilean authorities. But they provide a wealth of new details about Weisfeiler, including a CIA memo indicating the Russian emigre and mathematics professor was detained by a military patrol in southern Chile and "fatally beaten."
Olga Weisfeiler, the professor's sister, said the documents show the U.S. government has done little to find out what happened to him.
"Nothing has changed, nobody did anything, nobody discovered anything," Weisfeiler said in a telephone interview from her home in Newton, Mass. She added that a lawyer she hired in Chile a year ago recently uncovered enough evidence to persuade Chilean courts to reopen a criminal investigation.
Joyce Horman, Charles Horman's widow, expressed similar dissatisfaction with the CIA and the Defense Department, saying she could not believe that the handful of documents released by those agencies represented their entire files on her husband's case.
"I think we all understand that justice heals, it heals all of the pain of injustice," she told reporters at the National Press Club. "But to get to justice, you have to get to truth, and our road to truth has been excruciatingly long."
Though the papers made public yesterday dealt only with the Horman, Teruggi and Weisfeiler cases, their release was part of a broad review requested by the White House of all secret U.S. documents relating to political violence and human rights abuses in Chile from 1968 to 1991. A fourth and final batch of Chile-related documents is scheduled for release Sept. 15.
Peter Kornbluh, director of the Chile Declassification Project at the nonprofit National Security Archive, said the CIA still has provided relatively little information on its activities in Chile. "Perhaps more significant than what has been released today is what continues to be withheld," he said.
The Horman family has long suspected U.S. intelligence agencies of playing some role in Charles Horman's murder--a belief buttressed by a declassified State Department cable released last fall, which said the CIA "may have played an unfortunate part" in Horman's death. CIA officials have for years denied any involvement.
More: http://www.latinamericanstudies.org/chile/horman.htm
~~~~~
Colonia Dignidad--Germans and Pinochet
~snip~ visited Paul Schaeffer in June, 1979. It was a cool winter's day in Chile, and I was wearing a tan trench coat so that I would be a very recognizable figure should anything go wrong. I was not an invited guest, or an expected one, that Sunday morning. I had read about Schaeffer's notorious German estate in the Andes Mountains in a much-maligned book by Ladislas Farago, Aftermath. Farago's focus was on the ratlines that enabled Nazi war criminals to escape European justice by providing transport, false documents, and visas to countries in South America, the Middle East, and Asia. Some of the more famous alumni of the ratlines include Dr Josef Mengele, the Angel of Death at Auschwitz, who wound up in Argentina, Paraguay and Brazil; Klaus Barbie, the Butcher of Lyons, who wound up running the secret police in Bolivia; and Alois Brunner, a sadistic Nazi mass murderer who is believed to be living in Syria today.
Almost as an aside, Farago mentioned the bizarre German outpost and safe house close to the town of Parral, in Chile. Run by an ex-Luftwaffe medic, Paul Schaeffer — an accused pedophile and Baptist minister on the run from the German courts — it covered thousands of acres in the Andes near the border of Chile and Argentina. It was populated almost entirely by German nationals, and ran a clinic that was free to the local townspeople two days a week when I was there. (A free German clinic, run by a former Luftwaffe medic? Is it safe?)
According to Farago, the "Colony of Righteousness" or Colonia Dignidad was a weird combination of voodoo and fascism in the middle of the Andean forests. There was something forbidding about the place, and as I searched further for information on the estate, I was informed that it did exist, was run by German doctors, and that it staunchly supported the Pinochet regime. Indeed, it was claimed that Schaeffer and Pinochet were friends, and that Colonia Dignidad was a favorite hangout of Nazi-loving Chilean military officers and members of DINA, the secret police.
More: http://blogcritics.org/politics/article/colonia-dignidad-germans-and-pinochet/
~~~~~
~snip~ Few outsiders ever gained access to the Colonia while its reclusive leader remained in power. An old Chilean newsreel, however, filmed at Schaefer’s invitation in 1981, provides a rare picture of life inside the community, a utopia in full and happy bloom. The footage shows a bucolic paradise of sunshine and verdant fields set among clean, fast-flowing rivers and snowy peaks. Its German inhabitants improve the land and work their trades. A carpenter assembles a new chair for the Colonia’s school. A woman in a white apron bakes German-style torts and pastries in the kitchen. Teenaged boys clear a new field for planting. Children laugh and splash in a lake. Schaefer himself, wearing a white suit and brown aviator sunglasses, takes the camera crew on a tour. Standing next to the Colonia’s flour mill, he extols the quality of German machinery. “We bought this mill in Europe,” he says in broken Spanish. “It is 60 years old, but we have not had to do any repairs on it.” Even today, this remains one of the only known recordings of his voice. It is crisp and baritone. Back outside, Schaefer leads the television crew to a petting zoo, where the reporter feeds chunks of bread to baby deer and plays with the colonos’ collection of pet owls. The newsreel concludes with a performance by a 15-piece chamber orchestra composed of young, female colonos in flowing white skirts and colorful blouses. The music is beautiful and expertly played.
These images were a reflection of Colonia Dignidad as Schaefer wanted it to be seen. Today, a quarter century later, with Schaefer gone and his utopia open to visitors for the first time, it looks much the same. On a recent trip to Chile, I made the four-hour drive south from Santiago. The village remains an oasis of German tidiness, with blooming flower gardens and perfectly tended copses of willows and pines. As I walked through it, there were very few people on the streets, and those I encountered smiled politely, then quickly retreated indoors. They did not invite conversation. I was reminded of what a Chilean friend, a journalist, had told me as I prepared for my visit. “You will get the uneasy feeling of crossing into some sort of twilight zone,” he had said. “You will see the way they dress, their haircuts. It’s like going back in time to Germany in the 1940s. Even though it is easier to talk to the colonos than it was a few years ago, things are still a long way from being ‘normal.’ Most of them are still quite afraid of speaking openly.”
The truth, so unlikely in this setting, is that Colonia Dignidad was founded on fear, and it is fear that still binds it together. Investigations by Amnesty International and the governments of Chile, Germany, and France, as well as the testimony of former colonos who, over the years, managed to escape the colony, have revealed evidence of terrible crimes: child molestation, forced labor, weapons trafficking, money laundering, kidnapping, torture, and murder. Orchestrated by Paul Schaefer and his inner circle of trusted lieutenants, much of the abuse was initially directed inward as a means of conditioning the colonos to obey Schaefer’s commands. Later, after General Augusto Pinochet’s military junta seized power in Chile, the violence spilled onto the national stage. Schaefer, through an informal alliance with the Pinochet regime, allowed Colonia Dignidad to serve as a torture and execution center for the disposal of enemies of the state. The investigations continue. In the months preceding my visit, police found two large caches of military-grade weapons buried inside the compound. Parts of cars had also been unearthed, their vehicle identification numbers traced back to missing political dissidents. Even as I stood in Schaefer’s house drinking apple juice, elsewhere on the property a police forensics unit was excavating a mass grave thought to contain the decomposed remains of dozens of political prisoners.
More: http://www.theamericanscholar.org/the-torture-colony/ ~~~~~ Boris Weisfeiler, who disappeared in the vacinity of former Nazi Paul Schaeffer's "Villa Bavaria" (formerly "Colonia Dignidad"):Boris Weisfeiler is a Russian-born mathematician who lived in the United States before going missing in Chile in 1985, aged 43.<1> The Chilean government claimed that he drowned, but his family believes he was forced to disappear near Colonia Dignidad, an enclave led by ex-Nazi Paul Schäfer.
Biography Weisfeiler was born in the Soviet Union. He obtained his Ph.D. in 1970 from the Steklov Institute of Mathematics Leningrad Department, as a student of E. B. Vinberg<2>. In the early 1970s Weisfeiler was asked to sign a letter against a colleague, and for his refusal was branded "anti-Soviet". Like other Russian Jews he also experienced discrimination. In 1975, Weisfeiler left the USSR in order to freely practice his career and religion. After a short time under Armand Borel at the Institute for Advanced Study near Princeton University, Weisfeiler settled in as a professor at Penn State University. In 1981, he became a naturalized citizen of the United States.
Weisfeiler's research spanned twenty years, and he published three dozen research papers. According to his colleague Alexander Lubotzky, Weisfeiler was studying "the more difficult questions" of algebraic groups in "the case when the field is not algebraically closed and the groups do not split or — even worse — are nonisotropic".<3> He is known for the Weisfeiler-Leman Algorithm, the Kac-Weisfeiler conjectures, the Weisfeiler filtration, and work on strong approximation and on finite linear groups.<4>
Weisfeiler, an experienced outdoorsman, went on a solo hiking trip over Christmas of 1984 to the Chilean Andes.
Disappearance Chile was an ally of the United States, and was then controlled by staunch anti-Communist dictator General Augusto Pinochet. Under Pinochet, Chile is alleged to have committed widespread human rights abuses. Before his death in 2006, the former head of state had been prosecuted for his role in Operation Colombo and indicted in absentia in other countries. As well, the modern democratic government of Chile took steps to investigate other activities under his regime.
According to Chilean government reports, Boris Weisfeiler was hiking near the border of the Colonia at the time of his disappearance. Conflicting stories of various eyewitnesses make it impossible to conclude what really happened. Officially, the Chilean government ruled that Weisfeiler had entered the confluence of two swift-moving rivers and drowned, his body never to be recovered. Local fishermen say they camped with Boris, and gave him directions north toward a bridge that happened to be in proximity of the Colonia. Some claim to have seen his footprints near the river, finding his backpack and other items. These items appear to have been sold or destroyed by the Chilean government in the late 1990s, as documented by Chilean government documents and published news articles.
Although no conclusive proof connects the disappearance of Weisfeiler to any entity, there is one group under suspicion by both U.S. and Chilean officials. Unbeknownst to most of the outside world, a place called Colonia Dignidad sat on a large land tract close to the Argentinian border. Appearing idyllic, the enclave was run by German expatriates, some of whom were alleged to be Nazi war criminals from WWII, others believed to be Nazi sympathizers. The leader of the Colonia for most of its existence was Nazi Paul Schäfer. The Colonia had a cult-like atmosphere, in which many children were allegedly molested, a crime which its leaders face prosecution for. Schafer was convicted in May 2006 in connection with the allegations of child abuse at the Colonia. It is suspected, and has been reported by the BBC (as well as suggested in Chilean government documents<5>), that Chilean DINA military police brought suspected anti-government prisoners there for interrogation.
According to U.S. State Department reports, other witnesses claim they saw Boris Weisfeiler in the Colonia, several years after his disappearance. At least one claims he was alive some three years later; another claims he was assassinated as a Soviet or Jewish spy. Weisfeiler's whereabouts remain unknown, and his sister Olga has emigrated to the United States and continues to petition numerous authorities to determine his fate. In early 2006 a Joint bipartisan Congressional letter signed by 27 Senators and Congressmen was delivered to Chilean President Michele Bachelet in the hopes of hurrying up the investigation into his fate.
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Boris_Weisfeiler
http://boris.weisfeiler.com.nyud.net:8090/boris-hiking-4.jpg http://weisfeiler.com.nyud.net:8090/albums/Boris-Weisfeiler/BORIS1.sized.jpg SEARCHING FOR BORIS WEISFEILER On September 11, 2009, the 36th anniversary of the Sept. 11, 1973 military coup, the Chilean Congress approved the bill that would reopen two former Human Rights Commissions: Rettig and Valech. According to Chilean law, the only way to classify a case as being a human rights violation, officially, was through the Commission, which could not be restarted after it finished its work in 1991.
In its 1991 report, the National Commission on Truth and Reconciliation, commonly known as Rettig Commission, did not include the Weisfeiler case into human right violation category because there was not enough evidence to support such: all of the information gathered by the U.S. Embassy during 5 years of the investigation was regarded as "classified" and therefore not available to the Chilean investigators for evaluation.
In 2000, the US has declassified over 500 documents related to the Weisfeiler’s case. Since 2000, there is an ongoing criminal investigation in Chile, and the case has at times been treated as a de facto human rights case – but not always, and never officially.
The Rettig Commission should re-start its work in November 2009. There would be only a few months to reapply. By establishing that Boris’ murder was a human rights violation in which agents of the State - Carabineros and/or members of an Army patrol - were involved, the Government of Chile would finally acknowledge its role in the fate of Boris Weisfeiler.
September 2009
http://boris.weisfeiler.com/
|