More blood for less oil?"We shall have to take the responsibility for world collaboration, or we shall have to bear the responsibility for another world conflict . . . (The Yalta Conference) ought to spell the end of the system of unilateral action, the exclusive alliances, the spheres of influence, the balances of power, and all the other expedients that have been tried for centuries-and have always failed. We propose to substitute for all these a universal organization in which all peace-loving nations will finally have a chance to join. I am confident that the Congress and the American people will accept the results of this conference as the beginnings of a permanent structure of peace."
-Franklin D. Roosevelt, March 1, 1945snip
By continuing to resist, the Iraqis are calling the United States' bluff, forcing the U.S. military to put its cards on the table and reveal its strengths and weaknesses to other potential adversaries, thus surrendering a critical edge in an age of asymmetric warfare. More importantly, the resistance is exposing both the futility and the brutality of U.S. policy. In spite of sophisticated "information management," this naked view of U.S. aggression is generating popular opposition to U.S. interests all over the world, alienating both allies and trading partners, and the United States is losing the war on the very terms by which our leaders have sought to define it: non-proliferation; human rights; democracy . . . not to mention oil. As for counter-terrorism, the State Department abruptly discontinued its annual report on global terrorism after the National Counterterrorism Center reported a 250 percent increase in worldwide terrorism, from the previous record high of 175 incidents in 2003 to 625 incidents in 2004.
While the United States persists in its aggression in Iraq, and has locked itself into hostile stand-offs with Iran, North Korea, Syria, Cuba and Venezuela (the list keeps growing), other countries are making deals, signing treaties and hammering out the tough choices that will be vital to a peaceful, sustainable future for the human race. As the U.S. puts its best resources into developing the next generation of killing machines, other countries will be developing the technologies and social structures to take human civilization beyond the age of petroleum.
Before the invasion of Iraq, the prospect of war was greeted by worldwide protests involving millions of people who knew only too well what this would be like, even as policymakers in Washington buried their heads in mystifications and wishful thinking. That our leaders were so wrong should lead all Americans to question their longer-term strategy and the dangerous and naive assumptions about military power and international relations that underlie it. Michael Klare suggests that the formation of the International Energy Agency in 1974, to allocate scarce oil supplies in response to the Arab oil embargo, provides a useful alternative model for dealing with the inevitable resource shortages of the 21st century. We can only hope that the counterproductive and horrific results of our country's aggression in Iraq will lead the American people to reject militarism, to renew our commitment to international law, and to put this country's enormous wealth and human potential back to work with the rest of the world to solve our common problems within a "permanent structure of peace."
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