The day the Massachusetts Supreme Judicial Court announced that under the state constitution gay and lesbians had the right to marry a person of their own gender, I was speaking with a Republican operative who is no fan of the president.
"This is what's happening right now at the White House," he said. "As soon as Karl Rove pops open the champagne, he picks up the phone and calls Ralph Reed"—the former Christian Coalition whiz kid who now heads the Bush-Cheney re-election campaign in the Southeast—"and says, 'Ralph, make it happen.' That's all he has to say. Ralph knows what that means. He and the campaign have already ID'ed the congressional districts where people will be enraged by the prospect of gay marriage. They have lists of the churches, of the pastors, of the people in the pew. They have contacts with the Christian radio stations, with the newsletters. Whether Bush says much about gay marriage or not, there will be a full-force effort on this front. It won't be visibly tied to the Bush campaign. The mainstream media might not be able to see it. But it will be there. And it might win the election for Bush. But, then, Bush might not even need this. Isn't he the luckiest man in the world? It makes you wonder what the hell God is doing."
It might have been odd to speak of Bush's divine good fortune the week polls showed his approval rate dropping to about 50 percent. (And a few days later, a CNN poll showed that 54 percent had doubts about Bush's trustworthiness.) But my conversation mate had a point. As social conservatives were being fired up for the 2004 race by the heathens of Massachusetts, Congressional action was bouncing in Bush's favor. The Republican leadership of the House and Senate was pulling together two pieces of mega-legislation: the energy bill and the Medicare bill. Both were complete sops to special interests—especially the pharmaceutical industry. But Bush was earning headlines that made it seem that Washington, under his command, was tackling complex and pressing matters of the day.
"Imagine him on the campaign trail," the GOP op said, "telling people he was the first president since LBJ to significantly expand Medicare and get it to cover prescription drugs. Who cares what else is in the bill? Even if the Democrats try to sell it as a payoff to special interests, the burden will be on them to explain why they wanted to prevent old folks from getting help—even if it's not enough—with their drug bills. What are they going to say? They opposed it because in a few years there will be an experiment involving private companies competing with Medicare? Yeah, that's going to sell. I tell you, it has to be something with God. This guy does not deserve this kind of luck."
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