By Emily Bazelon
Updated Monday, March 5, 2007, at 5:44 PM ET
... Harvard law professor David Barron, in testimony before Congress in January, pointed to examples of assertions of congressional power during war that have stood the test of history. In 1798, when the United States was fighting with France, Congress barred American ships from sailing to French ports. President John Adams issued a broader order, barring all traffic between American and French or French-controlled ports. In Little v. Barreme, decided in 1804, the Supreme Court refused to side with a naval officer who invoked Adams' order when he was sued for seizing a ship leaving from a French port in the West Indies. Congress' order, not the president's, controlled. During the Civil War, Barron noted, Lincoln complied with congressional statutes that "intruded far more deeply into tactical judgments than those now being contemplated." The Confiscation Acts told Lincoln to instruct Union soldiers to seize enemy property in the middle of battle, even though Lincoln thought it was better strategy for them not to ...
Then there is the law that Congress passed in June 1973 barring the expenditure of funds for military actions in Cambodia, Laos, and Vietnam, as of Aug. 15 of that year. It's true that this isn't the strongest example of congressional muscle flexing, since it came at the very end of the war. But it looks a lot like setting a deadline for troop withdrawal, à la Obama.
Barron also pointed out that at the time, future Chief Justice William Rehnquist reviewed Congress' action as an assistant attorney general for the Nixon administration—and endorsed it. Rehnquist noted that there would be an "exacerbated" separation-of-powers problem if Congress issued "detailed instructions as to the use of American forces already in the field." But Rehnquist also acknowledged that "Congress undoubtedly has the power in certain situations to restrict the President's power as Commander-in-Chief to a narrower scope than it would have had in the absence of legislation." For support, he brought up Little v. Barreme. President Adams' order "would have been valid" had Congress not legislated otherwise, Rehnquist wrote. But Congress did, and that's why the president lost ...
http://www.slate.com/id/2161259/