THIS is a very bad moment in the United States for thoughtfulness on foreign affairs—at least in the popular press and in the halls of Congress. Exhibit A: The ongoing fight over ratification of the New START treaty with Russia. Over the past two decades, a series of arms-control agreements have led to negotiated reductions in nuclear weapons from roughly 12,000 to the current level of around 2,000. New START would bring that number down a bit further, to 1,550, while also strengthening verification and transparency for monitoring treaty compliance. That's what's usually called a no-brainer.
And yet key Republicans in Congress—most recently and damagingly Jon Kyl, a senator from Arizona—have repeatedly acted to delay a ratification vote, even though doing so might scuttle the treaty. These senators are supported by a number of right-wing foreign-policy thinkers (including John Bolton, Eric Edelman, Jim Woolsey, and John Yoo) who strongly oppose ratification. But the Obama administration has pushed back hard, responding to most of the specific questions put forth by sceptics of the pact. On Saturday Robert Gates singled out concerns that the agreement might inhibit development of missile-defence programmes, saying, "Anything that we have in mind now or in the years to come that we haven't even thought of is not prohibited." The administration has also put forward $85 billion over the next ten years to modernise America's nuclear infrastructure, the state of which seems to be the primary concern of Mr Kyl. Even hawks such as Robert Kagan and Max Boot have found the treaty worthy of passage, if not perfect. And an impressive group of Republican former officials who negotiated earlier (and much more drastic) cuts in America's nuclear stockpile have lined up behind the agreement.
More at:
http://www.economist.com/blogs/democracyinamerica/2010/11/new_start_treaty+++++++++++++++++
The decision to oppose the latest incarnation of START is a purely political one, motivated not even by an ideological concern for American power so much as it is by a political desire to block any accomplishment by this president. The congressional GOP favors taking a tougher stance with Russia today than Reagan took with the USSR.
They are opposing the president not simply when he proposes "change," but even when he proposes continuity, even when it is in foreign policy, even when the aims have been supported by every president since Nixon, even when there has been a bipartisan consensus on the issue for 40 years. Today's GOP is positioning itself to the right of Robert Kagan on arms control and disarmament. There's only one word for that: extremist.
See also the latest Wall Street Journal editorial on START. Compare and contrast that editorial with the ones from the WSJ dating from episodes when arms control treaties have been proposed by Republican presidents. Today's GOP has its party organs who do not deviate from the party line, even when the party line is utterly inconsistent with the party line that had been established for 40 years. We are at war with Eurasia, and have always been at war with Eurasia.