Rethinking IowaThe Caucus System Keeps Democrats Dovish
By Peter Beinart
Friday, January 14, 2005; Page A19
http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/artic...-2005Jan13.htmlIn December 2000, on an obscure Canadian talk show, an obscure Democratic governor attacked the Iowa caucuses. "If you look at the caucuses system," he said, "they are dominated by the special interests in both parties. The special interests don't represent the centrist tendencies of the American people. They represent the extremes."
The governor was Howard Dean. He was absolutely right. And now, as a candidate for chairman of the Democratic National Committee, he has a chance to do something about it.
Most Democrats recognize that they have a problem on national security -- a problem exemplified by November exit polls showing President Bush with an astounding 72-point lead among voters who cited "terrorism" as their overriding issue. What most Democrats don't recognize is that the Iowa caucuses are a critical part of that problem. For starters, Iowa Democrats are dovish even by Democratic standards. Historically, the "peace churches" -- Quakers, Mennonites and the Church of the Brethren -- have thrived in the state. Few states receive as few defense dollars as Iowa, and few have as great a skepticism toward military force. Henry Wallace, the most famous Democrat in Iowa history, left the party in 1948 in opposition to Harry Truman's containment policy toward the Soviet Union. Even the state's Republican senator, Charles Grassley, voted against the 1991 Persian Gulf War.
Not surprisingly, this political culture expresses itself every four years in Iowa's Democratic caucuses. It is only a slight exaggeration to call the caucuses an outgrowth of the movement against the Vietnam War. In 1968, in an effort to wrest control from party bosses, antiwar liberals established a commission to open up the party's nominating system. Headed by Iowa Gov. Harold Hughes, who had nominated Eugene McCarthy on the 1968 convention floor, the commission wrote the rules that led to the caucuses' creation. The first candidate to exploit Iowa's new prominence was George McGovern, who finished a surprisingly strong second there in 1972, en route to defeating Edmund Muskie for the Democratic nomination. In 1976 Iowa catapulted Jimmy Carter to the presidency. By contrast, the caucuses proved disastrous for hawkish Washington state Sen. Henry "Scoop" Jackson, who finished last there in both 1972 and 1976.
In recent years the caucuses have remained a graveyard for hawkish Democrats. Al Gore, running on his pro-defense record in 1988, boycotted Iowa, saying it "reward
ideological purity rather than intellectual honesty." And in 2004, Joseph Lieberman and Wesley Clark, the two major candidates who placed the greatest emphasis on fighting terrorism, skipped Iowa as well. Instead, in the summer before the caucuses, vocal Iraq war opponent Howard Dean came from nowhere to grab first place in the Iowa polls. His rise set the tone for the race, forcing John Kerry and John Edwards to mimic his aggressively antiwar rhetoric and thus win back the caucus-goers Dean had lured away.
The problem isn't merely Iowa's political culture. It's also the caucus system itself, which amplifies the party's dovish, activist base. Although spawned by reforms aimed at making the nominating system more democratic, the Iowa caucuses aren't that democratic at all. In a primary, people can vote all day. But in Iowa, you must arrive at your precinct caucus site at exactly 6:30 p.m. and stay for several hours, which virtually bars people who work at night. There are no absentee ballots, and voting is not secret -- people often raise their hands to show whom they support. Democrats generally believe in making it easy to vote. But in Iowa, voting is comparatively difficult. And that difficulty is reflected in the percentage of people who participate: In both 2000 and 2004, roughly 50 percent of registered Democrats cast ballots in the New Hampshire primary. In the Iowa caucuses, it was between 10 and 20 percent.
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