EDITED to fix a tag.
Mostly reposted from another thread.
Neoconservatism is the greatest menace facing mankind today. It has many similarities to classical fascism and many fall into the trap simply dismissing any notion that there is any difference between the two. This misconception serves the neosonservatives well. It inhibits the struggle against neoconservatism in that it leaves the speaker's audience with the idea that the speaker is some sort of crackpot with little or no understanding about what he is speaking.
Let us examine the differences between classical fascism and neoconservatism as a way determining how they are similar, how they are different and how this latter day phenonenon can be defeated.
If one wants a sense of the intellectual basis of fascism, I would suggest reading an
encyclopedia article on
fascism co-authored by Mussolini himself.
For modern version of fascism, I would recommend a long and involved article by the Hungarian scholar G. M. Tomas,
On Post-Fascism, which appeared in the Summer 2000 edition of the
Boston Review.These articles formed the basis of a work of mine that appeared on
Democratic Underground in February 2002,
The Rise of Yuppie Fascism (
Part One and
Part Two). I would like to cite that part of my work that summarized the differences between Mussolini's fascism and today's phenomenon, which has been variously called
post-fascism and
yuppie fascism:
First, Mussolini said in fascism the state is absolute. However, in recent history, the state has declined in power and the power of the multinational corporation has risen. Thus, in yuppie fascism, the power of the corporation is absolute and all other individuals and institutions, including the state, are conceived only in how they stand in relation to the corporation.
Second, Mussolini's absolute state is expansive. However, under yuppie fascism, the state is a tool of the corporation and uses its power not so much to seize and occupy territory but to negotiate trade agreements that open foreign markets to the corporation in such a way as to set aside any barriers to corporate investment in the foreign market with the aim of corporate dominance of the market. The state's military force is used only if there is no other way to open the market or to protect the corporation's existing investments in the foreign market. In short, the relationship of the corporate state - in the new sense, where the emphasis is on corporate rather than state - of the developed world to the developing world is colonial.
Third, Mussolini's fascism renounced pacifism and embraced war as that human endeavor that "puts the stamp of nobility on the peoples with the courage to meet ." However, only corporations directly involved in preparation for war benefit from war. Otherwise, open conflict is a hindrance to commerce; for example, no oil pipeline from the Caspian Sea to Karachi can be built as long as there are local hostilities in Afghanistan. Consequently, war is replaced not by peace but by a state that might be called one of security, in which tensions that arise from the imposition of corporate power over the powerless are suppressed; brute military strength is used to suppress the tensions - labor strife and peasant uprisings - only if necessary.
Fourth, classical fascism rejected egalitarian ideologies like socialism and democracy in favor of "the immutable, beneficial and fruitful inequality of mankind" which cannot be altered by "a mechanical process such as universal suffrage." Yuppie fascism also embraces inequality as beneficial to society as a whole and therefore holds that the rich deserve their opulence. Vast wealth is placed at the disposal of the members of an economically elite class for their private pleasure as a reward for their superior ability and foresight.
Finally, classical fascism rejected Marxist class struggle as a vehicle of historical progress in favor of concepts of individual "holiness" and "heroism", by which Mussolini meant "actions influenced by no economic motive, direct or indirect." For Mussolini, the exponent of the absolute state that expanded for its own sake, a heroic act was an act of valor in war. In yuppie fascism, with the state in decline and war seen as an inconvenient though occasionally necessary evil, the hero is the entrepreneur.
To be blunt, I regard neoconservatism as a uniquely American brand of yuppie fascism. This is particularly noxious in that unlike the yuppie fascist movements in Europe that seek only to impose a right wing system on the nations in which they respectively flourish, neoconservatism seeks to impose a yuppie fascist world order, by force if necessary. Being that it is centered in the Unites States, with its powerful military, such an imposition is not beyond the reach of the neoconservatives. We live in dangerous times.
Nevertheless, to defeat neoconservatism, we must realize exactly what it is and how it works. It does not work the same way that classical fascism did.
First of all, the cult of leader's personality is diminished or non-existent. There may be a cult of personality around Bush, but it is confined to the religious right. The goal of the various elements of neoconservatism (the religious right, corporatists like Grover Norquist and right wing think tankers like Richard Perle) in 2008 will be the perpetuation of neoconservative power. They will not be able to do this through the vehicle of George W. Bush; most neoconservatives don't think they have to. They will simply find another bureaucrat/politician, perhaps one with more administrative skills than Bush (it shouldn't be too hard to find one) to be their man in government.
In this respect, we should be aware that Bush is not the real enemy. We err to personalize this fight as we do. The enemy are people who largely fly below the radar, such as Norquist and Richard Mellon Scaife and, more importantly, people like Lee Raymond, CEO of ExxonMobil, and others who could be described as the real people behind the artificial persons.
Consequently, the best way to combat neoconservatism at its root is to organize world wide boycotts and divestment campaigns aimed at defunding the right wing. To borrow one of Mr. Norquist's favorite phrases, we must "starve the beast."
Second, related to the first, we must realize that in yuppie fascism the state is subservient to the corporation, not the other way around as it was in classical fascism. There is no government censorship of the news in the United States. That may come as a shock to many here, who continue to speak as though there is. However, the problem is that the major news outlets are controlled by the same people who have foot the bill for Mr. Bush's political career. They dictate editorial content in the news media which they own and the result is an American citizenry that knows little more than what they want it to know. Too many Americans had serious misconceptions about the war in Iraq, such as a belief that Saddam had a biochemical arsenal (even that it had been found) or that he had established ties to al Qaida; public opinion surveys have established that most people with such misconceptions voted overwhelmingly for Bush and that Mr. Bush's votes came overwhelmingly from people who were so misinformed. Mr. Bush's presence in the White House may be attributed to some electoral shenanigans by the likes of Katherine Harris and Ken Blackwell, but these would have pointless if more people just knew what should be undisputed facts.
Bush is in power because the corporate-owned media fails to perform the function of a free and independent press in a free society. The result is not appreciably different from society where the press that is censored by those holding political power.
Thus, in addition to organizing boycotts and divestment campaigns against neoconservatives, we must take special aim at big media. Kill your television. Get your news from the Internet. Include in your news browsing websites that feature news and opinion from a wide range, including views you find disagreeable. Urge your friends and neighbors to do likewise.
Finally, we must be clear that we, too, have an alternative vision of the future that is not just a kinder, gentler version of neoconservatism. Another world is possible. We must define principles such as
democracy and
justice and make it clear that when we use those words they mean something much different than Mr. Bush and other neoconservatives do when they use those words. Specifically, I like to define
democracy as a state where:
- Citizenship is universal. Each person born within the boundaries of the state is a citizen, as is one born abroad to at least one citizen parent or who swears allegiance to the state in a rite of naturalization.
- Citizenship is equal. Each citizen has an equal opportunity to participate in and influence public affairs. Every adult citizen shall be enfranchised with the right to vote. Decisions are made by a majority voted based on the principle of one man/one vote.
- Citizenship is inalienable. A guaranteed set of civil liberties is in place to assure full and open public discourse of civic affairs. No citizen may be stripped of his citizenship or otherwise punished by the state for expressing any point of view, no matter how unpopular or even absurd.
Under that definition of democracy, if Congress were to pass Patriot Act II as drafted by the Justice Department a couple of years ago -- containing a feature that allows the President or the Attorney General to strip an American of his citizenship by executive fiat -- then we can end any pretense that neoconservative America is still a democracy.
Do we have any other ideas?