Barbara Boxer's PAC sent me something about a petition to sign about demanding a withdrawal and "success" plan for Iraq.
For some reason, this one little line made me hopeful that she would be straight with us about the causes for war:
After two and a half years of war, the American people are still waiting to hear the truth about what our mission is in Iraq and how we are going to accomplish it.
I thought that meant she was going to TELL us, so I scoured the rest of the email looking for it, and instead, the closest I found was this:
I believe our mission in Iraq is this: Security for Iraqis provided by Iraqis. We need to hear from the Administration exactly how many Iraqi forces are needed; how to meet that goal; and by when. And the current pace will not cut it.
We have no idea -- none -- how long the Administration plans to be in Iraq. Is it two years, ten, twenty? The President's message of "as long as it takes" is counterproductive. It is time for President Bush to send a clear message that we do not intend to remain in Iraq indefinitely or maintain permanent bases there.
I don't know about you, but it is hard to trust the Democrats when they continue to talk to us like fucking idiots.
Until the Democrats flatly explain that the neocons wanted to control Iraq's oil and have a base to control through intimidation and invasion the other oil producing countries of the Persian Gulf and the Caspian Sea Basin, and that they repudiate this, I am forced to assume that they agree with this plan, and like Kerry said, they are quibbling about how they are doing it.
If this piece of the puzzle isn't brought into the debate, we aren't being told the truth and therefore cannot make make informed decisions.
Any talk about "permanent bases" will make no sense to the general public without telling them why the Bushies want those bases, which has been pretty well laid out by the neocons, and covered by precious few reporters.
The most notable exception is Greg Palast who put together this timeline with links to the primary documents and interviews with the primary players:
http://www.judicialwatch.org/071703.c_.shtml Col. Karen Kwiatkowski, who worked with the neocons in the Pentagon summed their goals for the war as these:
- more bases from which to flex U.S. muscle with Syria and Iran, and
- better positioning for the inevitable fall of the regional ruling sheikdoms.
- Maintaining OPEC on a dollar track and not a euro and
- fulfilling a half-baked imperial vision
http://www.commondreams.org/views04/0310-09.htm Jay Garner, first American ruler of Iraq (on film with Greg Palast):General Garner:I think
we should look right now at Iraq as our coaling station in the Middle East, where we have some presence there and it gives a settling effect there, and it also gives us a strategic advantage there...Washington wanted Garner to impose a privatization plan of everything including OIL and put off elections to make that possible. He disagreed and was fired. Here's his thoughts on the effects of the Bush economic plan for Iraq:General Garner: In fact, I think you'd be hard pressed to go up north and convince the Kurds that all the... they had to be privatised.
Now you can convince the Kurds that they don't own the oil fields, but the privatisation? I don't think you can do it, and that's just one fight that you don't have to take on right now...I'm a believer that you don't want to end the day with more enemies than you started with. Grover Norquist, key GOP strategist and one of the author's of the privatization plan made their priorities for Iraq crystal clear:"The right to trade, property rights, these things are not to be determined by some democratic election."
http://www.gregpalast.com/detail.cfm?artid=319&row=1
From the PNAC Rebuilding America's Defenses:
September 2000
Although Saudi domestic sensibilities demand that the forces based in the Kingdom nominally remain rotational forces, it has become apparent that this is now a semi-permanent mission. From an American perspective, the value of such bases would endure even should Saddam
pass from the scene. Over the long term, Iran may well prove as large a threat to U.S. interests in the Gulf as Iraq has. And even should U.S.-Iranian relations improve, retaining forward-based forces in the region would still be an essential element in U.S. security strategy given the longstanding American interests in the region (17).
STRATEGIC ENERGY POLICY CHALLENGES FOR THE 21ST CENTURY Report of an Independent Task Force
early 2001Sponsored by the
James A. Baker III Institute for Public Policy of Rice University
and theCouncil on Foreign Relations(note:James Baker is a Bush family servant and former Sec. of State)Sadly, the Bushies ignored this one bit of advice from the forward:For many decades now, the United States has been without an energy policy. Now, the consequences of not having an energy policy that can satisfy our energy requirements on a sustainable basis have revealed themselves in California. Now, there could be more Californias in America’s future.
President George W. Bush and his administration need to tell these agonizing truths to the American people and thereby lay the basis for a new and viable U.S. energy policy.******
For the most part, U.S. international oil policy has relied on maintenance of free access to Middle East Gulf oil and free access for Gulf exports to world markets. The United States has forged a special relationship with certain key Middle East exporters, which had an expressed interest in stable oil prices and, we assumed, would adjust their oil output to keep prices at levels that would neither discourage global economic growth nor fuel inflation...
But recently, things have changed.
These Gulf allies are finding their domestic and foreign policy interests increasingly at odds with U.S. strategic considerations, especially as Arab-Israeli tensions flare. They have become less inclined to lower oil prices in exchange for security of markets, and evidence suggests that investment is not being made in a timely enough manner to increase production capacity in line with growing global needs. A trend toward anti-Americanism could affect regional leaders’ ability to cooperate with the United States in the energy area.
The resulting tight markets have increased U.S. and global vulnerability to disruption and provided adversaries undue potential influence over the price of oil. Iraq has become a key "swing" producer, posing a difficult situation for the U.S. government.http://www.informationclearinghouse.info/article3535.htm********
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