The title is derived from a sentence in Tom Engelhardt's introduction to a very important essay by Michael T Klare:
More Blood, Less Oil: The Failed U.S. Mission to Capture Iraqi Petroleum
By Michael T. Klare September 21, 2005
It has long been an article of faith among America's senior policymakers -- Democrats and Republicans alike -- that military force is an effective tool for ensuring control over foreign sources of oil. Franklin D. Roosevelt was the first president to embrace this view, in February 1945, when he promised King Abdul Aziz of Saudi Arabia that the United States would establish a military protectorate over his country in return for privileged access to Saudi oil -- a promise that continues to govern U.S. policy today. Every president since Roosevelt has endorsed this basic proposition, and has contributed in one way or another to the buildup of American military power in the greater Persian Gulf region.
American presidents have never hesitated to use this power when deemed necessary to protect U.S. oil interests in the Gulf. When, following the Iraqi invasion of Kuwait, the first President Bush sent hundreds of thousands of U.S. troops to Saudi Arabia in August 1990, he did so with absolute confidence that the application of American military power would eventually result in the safe delivery of ever-increasing quantities of Middle Eastern oil to the United States. This presumption was clearly a critical factor in the younger Bush's decision to invade Iraq in March 2003.
Now, more than two years after that invasion, the growing Iraqi quagmire has demonstrated that the application of military force can have the very opposite effect: It can diminish -- rather than enhance -- America's access to foreign oil. <clip>
Despite the debacle of Iraq, most senior policymakers appear to retain their blind faith in the efficacy of military force as a tool for securing access to foreign sources of petroleum.
This, as Iraq makes painfully clear, is delusional. Yet they persist in risking the lives of young Americans and others in their continued adherence to a failed and immoral strategy. Any attempt to reconstruct American foreign policy on a more rational and ethical basis
must, therefore, begin with the repudiation of the use of force in procuring foreign oil and the adoption of a forward-looking energy strategy based on increased conservation and the rapid development of alternative fuels. Much more at the link:
http://www.tomdispatch.com/index.mhtml?pid=22859 As Simon Jenkins urges his fellow British citizens to recognize
"To say we must stay in Iraq to save it from chaos is a lie", we must also confront the reality that our best hope of having stable access to oil and natural gas is to participate in the market place as a responsible client.
No "Noble cause" ever existed for our actions in Iraq. We all know that. We are now going to pay the price for not holding our government accountable. And, it appears Rita, is going to raise that price, measurably.
Simon Jenkins words are apropos to what we must force our government to do:
The alleged reason for occupying Iraq was to build security and democracy. We have dismantled the first and failed to construct the second. Iraq is a fiasco without parallel in recent British policy. Now we are told that we must "stay the course" or worse will befall.
This is code for ministers refusing to admit a mistake and hoping someone else will after they are gone. By then the Kurds will be more detached, the Sunnis more enraged and the Shias more fundamentalist. A hundred British soldiers will have died.
America left Vietnam and Lebanon to their fate. They survived. We left Aden and other colonies. Some, such as Malaya and Cyprus, saw bloodshed and partition. We said rightly that this was their business.
So too is Iraq for the Iraqis. We have made enough mess there already.Link:
http://www.guardian.co.uk/print/0,3858,5290367-103677,00.html The course of action is obvious.1. Bush and Blair announce their commitment to withdraw in an orderly and secure manner -- meaning protecting their troops and their gear. They also announce that no British or American citizen will remain in Iraq and will only be allowed to return if the Iraq government approves their visa and the purpose of their visit.
2. British and American logistics experts devise a secure, rapid withdrawal protocol.
3. They present the protocol to Bush and Blair and Bush and Blair order the process to begin.
4. Bush and Blair go to the UN and negotiate the creation of a multi-national "stability corps" that does not have a single American or British citizen in its ranks. Members of the UN Security Council, other than American and Britain, form a negotiating team to work with the various factions in Iraq on the steps necessary to establish an Iraqi Constitution and stabilize governance and restoration of the Country.
5. All of this is done in the open so that Iraqi's know, from the moment the USA and Britain begin step # 1 that the intention is to withdraw not just militarily, but from any form of manipulation of either the government or the economy of Iraq.
Peace.