, at least most of it, outside of Baltimore and Mont. county. in the "10 regions of US politics
Southern Lowlands
The Southern Lowlands region is notable for having some of the most bizarrely shaped congressional districts in the country, many of them drawn to produce majority-black constituencies that favor Democrats (a process that simultaneously creates overwhelmingly white districts, to the benefit of the Republican Party). Southern Lowlands has the largest percentage of African-Americans among our 10 regions, and thus it includes some of the most Democratic counties in the United States. But these counties are scattered across nine states, and in almost every state they are outvoted by some of the most Republican counties in the US. In contrast to Northeast Corridor and Great Lakes, which are more uniform in their allocation of votes, urban and suburban areas still produce strongly different results here, with the latter giving the GOP an advantage overall.
The region begins in Prince George's County, Maryland, and ends on the banks of the Mississippi River in Louisiana. It includes many of the touchstones of the civil rights movement, from Atlanta, which touted itself as "the city too busy to hate," to Selma, Alabama, where the local police became infamous for beating up peaceful protesters. Once known for abject poverty, the Southern Lowlands region is now near the middle of the pack in terms of income and education, and it boasts healthy population growth. Its increasingly white-collar electorate is typified by Charlotte, now a major banking center.
Politically, Southern Lowlands has moved toward the GOP in recent years, but it's still a swing region overall. US Senate seats in Georgia and North Carolina have constantly changed parties repeatedly over the years, though the Republicans have won the most recent contests. Democrats take solace in their capture of governor's mansions in Louisiana and Virginia since George W. Bush took office.
For decades, Southern Lowlands was represented nationally by segregationists such as George Wallace. Then, in 1976, former Georgia governor Jimmy Carter was elected president as a representative of the "New South." Carter received overwhelming support from his home region the first time he ran, but this loyalty mostly vanished when he tried to win re-election against Ronald Reagan. Carter's biracial coalition has been difficult to replicate, but that hasn't stopped North Carolina's John Edwards from trying to do it this time around.
In Democratic primaries, this was Jesse Jackson's strongest region in 1984 and 1988, partly because so many white voters no longer participate in Democratic Party politics at all.
Northeast Corridor
Named after Amtrak's most (perhaps only) profitable route, Northeast Corridor begins in Connecticut's Fairfield County and stops in Montgomery County, Maryland, just short of the nation's capital. Northeast Corridor is dominated by New York City, which casts about one-fifth of its vote, but New Jersey is the only state that falls completely within the region. This is by far the most densely populated region, and over 96 percent of its residents live in urban areas. It is also the most affluent and the best-educated region, though its population growth rate has long been behind the national average.
Al Gore won 62 percent of the vote here in 2000, which was the best showing by a Democrat in any region since Lyndon Johnson was on the ballot four decades ago. But one-party dominance goes back only to 1996, when Bill Clinton won re-election. Before that, the suburban parts of the region (including most of New Jersey but also Long Island) often cancelled out the central cities, helping Gerald Ford, Ronald Reagan, and the first President Bush to win electoral votes here. In contrast, George W. Bush carried only 11 of the 48 counties in this region, showing strength only in areas that don't have much in the way of apartment complexes and strip malls -- yet. He lost Fairfield County, Long Island's Suffolk County, and the borough of Staten Island, all of which supported his father's losing campaign in 1992.
Historically, Northeast Corridor has been the base of the Republican Party's liberal wing, offering up such presidential nominees as Teddy Roosevelt and Tom Dewey. Until last year, it was represented at either end by two of the most liberal GOP members in the US House: Christopher Shays of Connecticut and Connie Morella of Maryland. The defeat of Morella in 2002, coming one year after the Republicans lost the New Jersey governor's seat vacated by Christine Todd Whitman, represented a low-water mark for the Nelson Rockefeller wing of the party.
Given its prominence in cultural and financial spheres, the Northeast Corridor has been embarrassingly weak in fielding presidential candidates in recent years. The last White House occupant from this region was Franklin Delano Roosevelt, and the last nominee was Dewey in 1948. More recently, New York City and its environs have specialized in political figures whose national campaigns have closed on opening night -- including Rockefeller himself, John Lindsay, Geraldine Ferraro, and Bill Bradley. The region's only candidate so far in the 2004 sweepstakes is the Rev. Al Sharpton, known more for his dramatic flair (and his pompadour) than his vote-getting power.
In Democratic presidential primaries, the region favors traditional liberals such as Ted Kennedy and Walter Mondale; it has been lukewarm toward Southerners such as Jimmy Carter and Bill Clinton, no matter how forward-thinking.
(also part of it is in Appalacia
http://www.massinc.org/commonwealth/new_map_exclusive/appalachia.html