|
Maybe now you guys will let me start my own thread:
In the background of our minds and US wars, US citizens feel US casualty counts are supressed. I have personally heard several accounts of suppression, and I have heard many people express belief that the US public is not accurately informed of US casualties. News stories surface, reflecting though presented as background that casualties resulting from conflict in Iraq and Afghanistan are not counted as casualties even if someone dies later, at Landstuhl, Germany, for instance. If true, our military's sacrifice deserves better. If true, according to Bushadmin the lives of our soldiers do not merit a digital increment in a piece of shared data. This particular clerical trick in exploitation of geography, amounting to "surviving the scene, but not surviving", in addition to other methodology, allows for much foolery in that families and loved ones attached to a fatality can be given information different from actual circumstances. This note is a proposal for development of an emotionally and legally binding citizen action to eliminate inaccurate casualty reports sponsored by Bushadmin for public consumption in furtherance of illegal war.
The process involves a website backed by credible figures. The website features a simple database of personal testimony from service and civilian personnel and families who have knowledge relating to any US fatality anywhere in the military. After completion of a carefully devised communication procedure informing significant others of available information and possibly securing permission, freed website testimony by personnel and families can conceivably be made available to the public. A casualty not currently reflected can be forced into acknowledgement. A few discrepancies ultimately involving institutional dishonor can reveal systematic abuse of individual honor. People in doubt about circumstances of loss can at least be informed of actual circumstances in a manner that is incontrovertible.
We see abusive information provided to the public and the family most notably in the case of Pat Tillman. What if the treatment of the Tillman family is emblematic of a routine procedure applied to casualties qualifying by category according to the ability of people outside NTK military structure to detect the loss? For example, if a casualty is known to have nobody listed for notification, does not this casualty category provide opportunity not to list that person's loss in casualty lists provided to the public? What about Green card soldiers who have no family in the United States, another categorical opportunity for decrement of the actual casualty count? Thematically, organizational opportunity can be created by separation of records into pieces, including geographic "rationale" all ready noted, separation of records from reports of the records, with further separation and dissolution of responsibility in the announcement of report derived from dissolute record, further aided by inaccurate media reports of the announcement. How many families and loved ones can afford to navigate military bureaucracy to find out what really happened? Did the son or daughter really die in a car accident, and if a sorrowful friend shows up with a different story, what next, immersion in a new set of problems likely leading to harassment amid the emotional devastation of a loved one's loss? What choice would you make? What choice would you make after a few years living on a corporal's pay? Was it not difficult for the Tillman family to find out what happened to Pat Tillman despite Tillman's burgeoning fame, and wasn't this travail another tragedy for that family? Well, what about everybody else? The reader might say that Pat Tillman's case was special because Pat Tillman was special, that Bushadmin had strong motivation in his case to misrepresent the circumstances to the Tillman family and the public. On what basis can anyone say the same motivation does not exist for less well-known figures precisely because it is easier to organize misrepresentation in relation to publicly anonymous loss?
I will leave it to the readers to consider for themselves the societal and legal implications, and potential application to other areas of the procedures described above, and to consider the motivation of personnel volunteering by the thousands to tell us and the familes of the sacrifice of their deepest friends, and to consider the families affirmed or denied. If not one discrepancy were discovered, there would still be activating discovery and thereby change in the emotional cycle of war.
I had circulated the procedures described above by email to supposed antiwar websites, historians, and individuals. A few weeks later, a US Senator raised an obviously temporary concern about the requirement for accurate casualty counts. I then found a newly developed website, TBRNews.org, which claims to be concerned with the issue. When I wrote this website, I received in reply a strangely worded, veiled threat of my arrest couched in an outpouring of thoroughly overwrought self-pity laced with self-ennobling declaration of resilience in the face of the sender's continual danger. TBRNews.org claims to have in their possession a document purported by them to have been posted on a Pentagon website by mistake, a document declared to reflect true US casualties resulting from conflict in Iraq and Afghanistan. TBRNews will send this document by email upon request. Does anybody believe only this website is privy to an actual Pentagon report that is at odds with the public casualty list, a report which must only contain columns of meaningless, unverifiable numbers? And why wouldn't they simply post this data instead of sending it only upon request, saying they've all ready sent it to over 10,000 requestors? Well, for one thing, names and email addresses of interested parties TBRNews receives, meaningless numbers TBRNews provides. The purpose of TBRNews.org is sublimation. The document TBRNews declares is unuseable by definition. I certainly haven't bothered to request it. The procedures described above, however, are useful because of the involvement of real people, probably thousands, and this testimony is identification of legally useful evidence and a moving record of sacrifice.
We are not allowed to see the coffins or even photographs of the coffins. Will we hear the stories contained within them?
|