http://www.iranian.com/JahanshahJavid/2003/October/Ebadi/October 15, 2003
The Iranian
The problem for the conservatives is obvious. The Nobel Committee has simply spat on the face of the ruling clergy by calling them uncivilized, undemocratic and violators of human rights.
The problem for the reformists is more complicated. Some members of parliament, junior politicians and journalists in the Khatami camp, are happy that conservatives from Supreme Leader Khamenei to radical thugs in the streets have been badly embarrassed. On the other hand, within the context of Iran's contemporary political terminology, Ebadi is not a reformist. That's why her prestigious award annoys Khatami and his closest followers. She is not one of them.
Ebadi can best be described as a secular Muslim -- with emphasis on secular. She has not relied on religious texts to seek justice, rather she has taken the rational approach, emphasizing that human rights are not against the spirit of religion. And by choosing not to wear the scarf at a high-profile press conference in Paris after being declared the winner of the Nobel prize, she sent a clear message that she belongs to neither of the ruling factions. She appeals to Iranians who are tired of both Khamenei and Khatami. And God knows they are everywhere and from all walks of life.
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Ebadi has become an instant celebrity, and by all standards a loveable one. The Ebadi buzz on the internet has been unprecedented. And the cheerful welcome she received from thousands of people at Tehran airport after her return from Paris could just be the beginning. Remember the last time a popular figure returned to his country from Paris? He swept away a monarchy in ten days. Ebadi is no Khomeini -- and thank God for that. But just like 1979, the masses are restless and they are desperate for a hero.
Six years ago they weren't so desperate. Most had hoped that the huge votes for Khatami, and later his reformist allies in parliament, would bring change for the better through the ballot box, that authoritarian rule would gradually come to an end, that the government would become more rational, that personal freedoms would expand, political prisoners would be freed, restrictions on the press would become less and less, and women's rights would be restored over time.
But what do we have now? We have a president who is presiding over his own demise and that of a harsh theocracy he wanted (or said he wanted) to reform. We have a parliament that is a graveyard for laws killed one by one by a panel of clerics who couldn't give a damn about reform. We have fewer newspapers that speak the truth and more journalists in jail, not to mention scores of student protesters and political activists of all colors. On the other hand, women are wearing less and less in public. But I don't think Khatami would take credit for that.
Disenchantment is rampant and deep. Iranians are angry to the point that they despise fundamentalism, all mullahs and the Islamic Republic. They have not only lost hope in reform but are becoming more and more radical and fearless in standing up to the religious establishment. It is in this environment that Ebadi's message of human rights and democracy has so electrified Iranian society. Where will it all lead? Hard to tell, but the Islamic Republic is no longer at the controls.