First off, if ~30,000 dead a year constitutes a "holocaust" in your book, I hate to think what you'd call the ~45,000 dead killed by motor vehicles. Moreover, given that the actual Holocaust involved the murder of between 11 and 17 million people over a five and half-year period, it rather trivializes the term to use it for a death toll that is several orders of magnitude smaller.
Second, in that death toll you include simple suicides, as if these would not occur were firearms not available. I don't accept that notion, given that the U.S. suicide is unremarkable compared to those of other wealthy industrialized countries. In the rest of the world, instead of shooting themselves, people hang themselves, or jump in front of trains or off bridges and buildings, and that results in a comparable number of deaths per capita.
In two of your examples--"pointless male-on-male beef shootings" and "spouse/family 'honor' shootings"--it strikes me that the cause of the problem is not the availability of firearms, but the culturally ingrained attitude on the part of the killers that their personal honor is more valuable than a human life; when one's notion of honor demands that a slight can only be erased by killing the offending party, the lack of availability of one particular type of weapon isn't going to dissuade the offended party. And that is factor that may explain why the American
non-firearm homicide rate is higher than the overall homicide rates of most European countries.
that they do, in fact, kill more humans in a given year than they "save" supports this simple, but surprisingly controversial, contention.
Your argument is logically valid, but not logically sound, the problem being that you present as "fact" your assertion that guns kill more people than they save, but provide no evidence to support it.
Admittedly, there's an inherent problem with determining preventive/deterrent effect, which is that it inherently impossible to prove that an event that did not occur--e.g. a private citizen being killed by an assailant--would have occurred were it not for the fact the prospective victim had a firearm. So we do not know, and indeed cannot know, for certain how many lives are saved by defensive gun use. However, Kleck & Gertz wrote in their study
Armed Resistance to Crime (aka "the Kleck & Gertz study"
http://www.saf.org/LawReviews/KleckAndGertz1.htm):
If we consider only the 15.7% <of respondents> who believed someone almost certainly would have been killed had they not used a gun, and apply this figure to estimates in the first two columns of Table 2, it yields national annual estimates of 340,000 to 400,000 DGUs of any kind, and 240,000 to 300,000 uses of handguns, where defenders stated, if asked, that they believed they almost certainly had saved a life by using the gun. Just how many of these were truly life-saving gun uses is impossible to know. As a point of comparison, the largest number of deaths involving guns, including homicides, suicides, and accidental deaths in any one year in U.S. history was 38,323 in 1991. <97>
<...>
Since as many as 400,000 people a year use guns in situations where the defenders claim that they "almost certainly" saved a life by doing so, this result cannot be dismissed as trivial. If even one-tenth of these people are accurate in their stated perceptions, the number of lives saved by victim use of guns would still exceed the total number of lives taken with guns. It is not possible to know how many lives are actually saved this way, for the simple reason that no one can be certain how crime incidents would have turned out had the participants acted differently than they actually did. But surely this is too serious a matter to simply assume that practically everyone who says he believes he saved a life by using a gun was wrong.
Kleck & Gertz rightly acknowledge that respondents' belief that they "almost certainly" saved a life is not hard evidence that they did, but their point that this result cannot simply be dismissed out of hand is reasonable. Let me reiterate their point: even if
only 10% of the respondents were correct, the number of lives saved through DGUs would still
outnumber the highest number of deaths by gunshot wound recorded in one year. In light of this evidence (uncertain as it is), assertions that DGUs that result in lives being saved are "far less frequent" than GSW deaths cannot simply be accepted without strong supporting evidence that this is indeed the case.
It also deserves note that the inherent difficulty of proving preventive effect cuts both ways: that is,
it also applies to gun control measures. It is impossible to say for certain that an intentional killing (homicide or suicide) would not have taken place but for the absence of tighter restrictions on private firearm ownership. Both murder and suicide predate firearms, and murder rates have been significantly worse in times before firearms were even available. For example, the murder rate in London between 1300 and 1350 CE varied between 36 and 52/100,000; the murder rate in various parts of Germany in the same period varied from 20 to 100(!)/100,000. By way of comparison, the worst ever recorded U.S. homicide rate was 10.7/100,000 (in 1980); in the past decade, it's been more around 6/100,000.
Interestingly, the article I got the German medieval homicide figures from states in the abstract (
http://bjc.oxfordjournals.org/cgi/content/abstract/41/4/618):
The results confirm, first, that homicide rates have declined in Europe over several centuries. Second, the empirical evidence shows, that unequivocal decline began in the early seventeenth century. Third, the data indicate that the secular decline begins with the pioneers of the modernization process, England and Holland, and slowly encompasses further regions.
However, those same western European countries did not significantly restrict private ownership of firearms until immediately after World War I (primarily to head off repeat performances of the Russian and German revolutions of the preceding years). So murder rates declined across Europe even as firearms were becoming more commonly available. There's arguable a stronger correlation to be drawn between prevalence of dogmatic religious belief and homicide than there is between prevalence of firearms and homicide.
Which raises an interesting point: what's another thing that's far more common in the United States than in other western countries?