By the way, since you do know about the serial murder investigation, doesn't that negate the whole point and spirit of the ban?Did you actually read beyond the first paragraph of what I wrote?
I'm not aware of any ban on the publication of information relating to the Downtown East Side murders. So what spirit, of what ban, might my knowing about the investigation violate?
I very carefully and very clearly informed you that publications bans are
sometimes imposed
in respect of evidence introduced at preliminary hearings.
I very carefully explained to you that a preliminary hearing in the case of an indictable offence is the counterpart of a grand jury proceeding in the case of a felony, and that the press and the public are virtually always admitted to those hearings, and the accused always has the opportunity to cross-examine, call evidence and make submissions.
I stated my understanding that the evidence produced to grand juries is
never made public before trial -- on which I could be mistaken, or overstating the case, or whatever. But in any event, again as I understand it, the press and the public are
never present at grand jury proceedings, and the very existence of the grand jury may be concealed from the potential accused.
It doesn't seem that even you think "the accused's right to a fair trial" is worth the government imposed censorship.I think that a prohibition on publication of the evidence introduced at a preliminary hearing
may be justified, i.e. an entirely constitutional limitation on freedom of speech and the press, in the interests of protecting the accused's right to a fair trial.
I explained that this is largely because the only side of the story told at a preliminary hearing is the prosecution side, since the accused of course has the right both to remain silent and to make full answer and defence at trial, and presentation of defence evidence might impede the accused's ability to do those. Accordingly, the result of allowing publication of preliminary inquiry evidence would essentially be to
allow the prosecution to make its case in the press when the accused might well prefer to reserve his/her defence until trial rather than dislose it all to the prosecution through the media.
And the result of *that* would be a jury pool that had heard the version of the facts, and the arguments, that tend to support a finding of guilty, and none of the facts or arguments that tend to support a finding of not guilty. And *that* would be a poisoned jury pool, and a violation of the accused's right to a trial by an impartial tribunal.
It's not unusual or extraordinary to take the position that an accused's right to a fair trial is of tremendous importance in a free and democratic society, and that the balance comes down in favour of that right as against the public's desire to know stuff for no particular reason and the press's desire to make money by telling the public stuff.
The actual proceedings - the hearing at which it is determined whether there is sufficient evidence to commit for trial, and the trial itself - are completely public except in rare situations. There is "public" knowledge of what goes on. They are not secret proceedings.
Why would you, if you do, find it odd or improper for publication bans to be issued in some cases before trial in Canada, when grand jury proceedings in the US are always secret (if I understand it correctly)? Are you also in favour of opening all grand jury proceedings to the press and public and allowing them to be published?
Maybe you aren't understanding that the publication ban, if there is one, terminates when the trial starts. So if you're asking why I would know about the 1991 serial murders, that would be because the trial ended in 1995, right?
If you're asking about the Downtown East Side murders -- you know, it may be ... lemme go look ... okay, Robert Pickton's preliminary inquiry was open to the public and press but subject to the usual publication ban:
http://cbc.ca/stories/2002/12/06/pickton_021206PORT COQUITLAM, B.C. - The preliminary hearing for
accused serial killer Robert Pickton will be open to the
public, a B.C. provincial court judge ruled Friday.
INDEPTH: B.C. Missing Women
In a highly unusual move, defence lawyers had asked
that the evidence be heard behind closed doors to help
their client get a fair trial.
But Judge David Stone rejected the request, saying
Pickton's interests are already well protected by the
courts. He's confident that the Crown and defence will
be able to find 12 impartial jurors down the road.
"I'm not prepared to accept that the justice system is
so fragile that appropriate measures can't be taken to
protect a fair trial," Stone said.
Normally, journalists are able to attend preliminary
hearings but are not allowed to report any details until
they're presented at a trial. ...
I can't actually say whether I've heard anything that came out of that hearing -- the on-going police investigation, and the continuing discovery/identification of more remains on the accused's farm, are more the focus of media reports.
Here ya go:
http://www.cbc.ca/news/indepth/background/publication_bans.htmlUnder the law, judges must grant a publication ban on
evidence presented at bail hearings and preliminary
inquiries if the accused asks for one. During the trial,
anything that is said or presented in court while the
jury is away cannot be reported. Only after the trial can
the press reveal "what the jury didn't see."
In the Paul Bernardo trial, the judge imposed a
partial publication ban and prohibited journalists
and the public from viewing videotapes
presented in court. These bans are often imposed in
the name of public decency and out of
respect for the families of the victims. ... (lots more)
The videotapes in the Bernardo/Homolka case were of days of the rape and torture and murder of their victims, 14- and 15-year-old girls, whose parents fought to have the tapes concealed from the public and later destroyed. I don't know of anybody much who would have disagreed.
I'm an ex-lawyer. I do think that the right to a fair trial is a pretty important one, and I do think that where the public has no
need to know and there are serious reasons to fear that a fair trial could be jeopardized, that right outweighs the public's right to know. The decision is pretty much at the option of the accused, and since it is his/her right to a fair trial in issue, that seems reasonable.
What I *do* want to know about, these days, is the big-time police investigation into the doings of some federal Liberal Party backroom honchos in British Columbia -- several raids on provincial Cabinet ministers' offices where the boys worked, right in the legislative buildings, and on things like a lobbying firm in the private sector. And then the news of a raid on a marijuana grow house in BC, owned by one of the boys in question. The theories are:
(a) some big time federal Liberal Party movers and shakers in BC were heavy into organized crime involving the trading of BC bud for coke in the US, to be sold on the streets in Canada;
(b) the success of the BC end of the party leadership campaign of new Prime Minister Martin (and a couple of other coups in the party out there) was secured by buying 4,000 party memberships for people basically hired to vote for Martin, paid for out of drug money;
(c) the investigation is really into corruption in the privatization of BC Rail by the BC Liberal Party.
They're all simply delicious, and we simply do not know what it's about. The media tried to compel disclosure of the information, but because disclosure could jeopardize what is still an on-going major police operation (whatever they were investigating in the Liberal Party nests and dens and hidey-holes came to light in the course of a big drug/organized crime operation), the courts have refused it.
Between all that, and this week's Auditor General report into quite dreadful crime and corruption in the distribution of federal slush funds in Quebec a couple of years ago, and the new Prime Minister's own problems with forging tax loopholes and legalizing offshore tax havens for his international shipping company while he was Finance Minister, and his current stumble-bumming about just about everything, his new Teflon suit might just develop some holes and we might not have another 4 or 5 years of Liberal Party imperium after the election he's wishing he didn't have to call sometime soon. Ah, if only.
Now, some people would find all that interesting. I won't guess about anybody in particular.
.