It says:
<...> no such screening is needed for guns purchased at the more than 20 major gun shows held in Arizona each year <...>
This is, very simply,
false for the reason I stated: FFLs are required to conduct NICS checks on sales regardless of where the sale is conducted. The 40% figure asserted in the article ("are thought to account for" is not demonstrable fact) includes
all sales at gun shows, including those performed by FFLs which are thus required to be accompanied by a NICS check.
By way of evidence, take a shufti at the ATF report
Following the Gun (
available as pdf here), particularly Table 3 on page 13. You may note (if you're honest) that the ATF lists "trafficking in firearms at gun shows and flea markets" as a single category, making no distinction between sales by FFLs and sales by private sellers; as the same report states on page xi:
The investigations involved both licensed and unlicensed sellers at gun shows.
and on page 17:
The gun show review found that firearms were diverted at and through gun shows by straw purchasers, unregulated private sellers, and licensed dealers.
Emphases in bold mine.
In a 2001 report,
No Questions Asked: Background Checks, Gun Shows and Crime (
available here), the (now defunct) Americans for Gun Safety states that:
The Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco and Firearms (ATF) estimates that as many as one-fourth of all firearms vendors at gun shows are unlicensed <...>
Which means that
at least 75% of firearm vendors
are FFLs, who have to conduct NICS checks.
I don't think it's unreasonable to assume the writer from the
Tucson Citizen is relying on ATF data. The ATF does not distinguish between sales at gun shows performed by FFLs on the one hand and private sellers on the other, but lumps all those sales together. The
TC writer failed to notice this, and thus incorrectly concludes that the number of guns diverted from gun shows were all sold by private sellers. I'm tempted to say the journo is therefore either dishonest or incompetent, but in all fairness, the ATF seems to have deliberately tried to obscure the percentage of sales at gun shows performed by FFLs. Note that I had to get that percentage of vendors from a
different report;
Following the Gun assiduously avoids stating it.
That said, as
gejohnston rightly pointed out in post #2, transfers between private parties do not put new guns into circulation; they
are circulation. Yet the
TC writer acts as if they are newly introduced: first he says that "more than 200,000 new weapons will be put in buyers’ hands after background checks this year" and then states that "firearms purchased at gun shows and through private transactions" will "
add<...> about 150,000 guns purchased annually." Leaving aside for the moment the precise numbers involved,
the two claims are mutually exclusive: to
newly legally enter the private circuit and become a firearm that can be transferred between private parties without a NICS check (and even then only within the same state), a modern firearm (i.e. firing cartridge ammunition and not classed under
"curios and relics") must first be transferred by an FFL, with an accompanying NICS check.
Turning to the numbers, it deserves note that
some of the "firearms purchased at gun shows and through private transactions"
will be new additions to the private circuit, because they're sold at gun shows by FFLs, but again, these sales will therefore be (required to be) accompanied by a NICS check and are therefore not "non-tracked." It should also be noted that firearms that have been previously privately owned but which the owner has sold or pawned to an FFL, or sells via an FFL on consignment, are
also required to be accompanied by a NICS check if they are sold by that FFL to another private buyer, so
some of those "more than 200,000 new weapons" will not actually be new.
When we put all this together, that means that there will be some overlap between the "more than 200,000 new weapons will be put in buyers’ hands after background checks this year" and the estimated 150,000 "firearms purchased at gun shows and through private transactions" because the latter consists partly of sales conducted
at gun shows by FFLs (who, again, are legally required to perform a NICS check when selling to a non-FFL).
So to me it seems you're trying to be misleading.
Unless you can provide better evidence than a newspaper article written by some journo who evidently doesn't know his stuff, I invite you to retract that remark.
You're <sic> argument that there's no point in eliminating this source of gun flow into the criminal world because "the black market would find another supply source," is kinda silly, don't you think?
No, I don't it's silly at all. If you're proposing imposing restrictions on the freedoms of public citizens in the name of public safety, I want to see a credible argument, preferably backed by empirical evidence, that there will be a resulting benefit, and that this benefit will be
at least proportional to the costs imposed, both in terms of money spent and freedoms restricted.
I very strongly urge you to read the article
"Firearms Costs, Firearms Benefits and the Limits of Knowledge" by Daniel Polsby, originally published in the
Journal of Criminal Law and Criminology in 1995. Polsby writes:
With respect to the firearms side of this problem, it cannot be emphasized too strongly that one is dealing with a demand-led rather than a supply-led phenomenon--young men demanding guns as a means of self defense and self-realization. These young men are not merely using guns because large numbers of them are floating around, as mayors and police chiefs insinuate when they tell reporters that "there are too many guns out there." Recognizing this problem as a demand-side situation predicts the limited usefulness (if not futility) of public policies that seek to "dry up" the supply of guns.
<...>
<T>he source of the difficulty <...> does not lie in the disuniformities or inadequacies of various states' firearms laws but in the fundamental economics of the crime business. Of course gun runners will seek the least cost and most convenient source of supply, whatever it may be, legal markets, if available, but if they cannot deliver what is demanded, the turn to illegal markets, of smuggled guns or guns manufactured in cottage industry, is a simple operation. The acquisition behavior of illicit retail customers should be discouraged modestly at best by piling costs on gun runners. These customers are seeking to invest in capital plant for which there exists no ready substitutes. Licit buyers, on the other hand, usually are shopping for items of personal consumption, for which a number of obvious substitutes (e.g., archery; B-B guns; and for that matter, going to the movies) evidently exist. The implication of this situation, though usually ignored, is very important: the price sensitivity of firearms buyers will diminish as their motive for owning a firearm becomes more sinister. The price sensitivity of buyers will increase as their motive for owning a firearm becomes more innocuous.
Emphases in bold mine.
Hell, look at Prohibition and the so-called "War on Drugs." Neither succeeded reducing alcohol or drug use by a smidgen, despite massive expenditures in money, manpower and lost civil liberties in an effort to cut off the supply. As long as there is a demand, some unscrupulous and enterprising spark will provide a supply. In addition, a completely illicit operator may supply goods that are nastier than that which can be diverted from the legal market.
To illustrate: about a month and a half ago, I wrote
a post about criminal use of sub-machine guns in the UK, which is far more prevalent (both in absolute and relative terms) than in the U.S. Why? To draw the parallel with Prohibition, SMGs are the bathtub gin/moonshine of gun prohibition. Just like bootleggers during Prohibition preferred to traffick hard liquor because the higher alcohol content made it more profitable to smuggle, so SMGs are, all other things being equal, more attractive to smuggle than handguns. A comparatively crude blowback-operated SMG firing from an open bolt costs no more to make than a handgun (and quite often markedly less), and not much more to smuggle, while providing a lot more firepower and thus commanding a higher price.
In short, there's plenty of indication that "eliminating this source of gun flow into the criminal world" might very well make matters
worse, not better. And that's assuming that licensing and registration would actually be successful in eliminating "diversion," which is by no means a given, nor have you provided anything other than unsupported assertion why it would.
No one is saying there'd be a 100% correction in this problem, I realize I said "we'd have it under control."
What's that scraping noise?