Possibly because his comments & book are still relevant*
& topical.Or because the quote is fitting,& relevant to the
row between AD & NF.
Dershowitz's proposals are horrific,illegal,& I'm amazed that
anyone should take them seriously.He's advocating the use of
torture that 'causes maximum pain',& collective punishment,&
that is most definitely 'really not cool'.
The programme you're thinking of was 'Dirty War',I think.It was,
primarily,fiction,& I don't remember the scenes showing MI5
torturing suspects. As to what goes on in reality,I don't know,
quite possibly "Stress & Duress" techniques,or worse, are used
behind the scenes,but when such resources as the CIA gulfstream jets
are available to render suspects to prisons in Egypt,or Syria**,
or to Guantanamo Bay***,there's no need for Her Maj's secret police
to get their hands dirty,as it were.
___________________
*
Discovering America
Leader
Saturday July 30, 2005
The Guardian
It is not often that the views of 19th-century thinkers are discussed in daily newspapers preoccupied with current events, but Alexis de Tocqueville, born 200 years ago yesterday, is worthy of the honour - and relevant to anyone worried about the state of our world. The French lawyer went to the US in 1831 to study penal reform, but the nine months he spent travelling from New York to New Orleans produced the classic Democracy in America, still regarded by some as the finest book ever written on either of the two subjects of his title.
De Tocqueville is remembered best for his conclusion that American goodness meant American greatness, central to the doctrine of American "exceptionalism" - an idea that jars with those, and not only in his native land, who dislike the democracy-exporting hyperpuissance that has emerged since the collapse of communism and 9/11. But he also had much to say about democracy - "the slow and quiet action of society upon itself"- and its interplay with equality, whose sharp decline he would surely regret in the George Bush era. He wisely condemned "violence employed by well-meaning people for beneficial objects".
Like other great writers, De Tocqueville's work has often been selectively plundered. Liberals like his emphasis on the dangers of mediocrity and materialism; conservatives prefer his warnings about big government and admiration for the American habit of freely uniting in voluntary associations - today's civil society - to act as a check on the executive and on the "tyranny of the majority".
De Tocqueville got some things wrong. His prediction of a titanic struggle between America and Russia did not survive the cold war. He did not see that slavery would lead to the American civil war. China's rise eluded him. Yet he understood how societies change, the strength of the human spirit and the fragility of what free people create. "All who seek to destroy the liberties of a democratic nation ought to know that war is the surest and shortest means to accomplish it," he wrote. That's another great thought well worth remembering.
Guardian Unlimited___________________________________
**
The New Yorker
OUTSOURCING TORTURE
The secret history of America’s “extraordinary rendition” program.
by JANE MAYER
Issue of 2005-02-14
Posted 2005-02-07
On January 27th, President Bush, in an interview with the Times, assured the world that “torture is never acceptable, nor do we hand over people to countries that do torture.” Maher Arar, a Canadian engineer who was born in Syria, was surprised to learn of Bush’s statement. Two and a half years ago, American officials, suspecting Arar of being a terrorist, apprehended him in New York and sent him back to Syria, where he endured months of brutal interrogation, including torture. When Arar described his experience in a phone interview recently, he invoked an Arabic expression. The pain was so unbearable, he said, that “you forget the milk that you have been fed from the breast of your mother.”
Arar, a thirty-four-year-old graduate of McGill University whose family emigrated to Canada when he was a teen-ager, was arrested on September 26, 2002, at John F. Kennedy Airport. He was changing planes; he had been on vacation with his family in Tunisia, and was returning to Canada. Arar was detained because his name had been placed on the United States Watch List of terrorist suspects. He was held for the next thirteen days, as American officials questioned him about possible links to another suspected terrorist. Arar said that he barely knew the suspect, although he had worked with the man’s brother. Arar, who was not formally charged, was placed in handcuffs and leg irons by plainclothes officials and transferred to an executive jet. The plane flew to Washington, continued to Portland, Maine, stopped in Rome, Italy, then landed in Amman, Jordan.
During the flight, Arar said, he heard the pilots and crew identify themselves in radio communications as members of “the Special Removal Unit.” The Americans, he learned, planned to take him next to Syria. Having been told by his parents about the barbaric practices of the police in Syria, Arar begged crew members not to send him there, arguing that he would surely be tortured. His captors did not respond to his request; instead, they invited him to watch a spy thriller that was aired on board.
Ten hours after landing in Jordan, Arar said, he was driven to Syria, where interrogators, after a day of threats, “just began beating on me.” They whipped his hands repeatedly with two-inch-thick electrical cables, and kept him in a windowless underground cell that he likened to a grave. “Not even animals could withstand it,” he said. Although he initially tried to assert his innocence, he eventually confessed to anything his tormentors wanted him to say. “You just give up,” he said. “You become like an animal.”
A year later, in October, 2003, Arar was released without charges, after the Canadian government took up his cause. Imad Moustapha, the Syrian Ambassador in Washington, announced that his country had found no links between Arar and terrorism. Arar, it turned out, had been sent to Syria on orders from the U.S. government, under a secretive program known as “extraordinary rendition.” This program had been devised as a means of extraditing terrorism suspects from one foreign state to another for interrogation and prosecution. Critics contend that the unstated purpose of such renditions is to subject the suspects to aggressive methods of persuasion that are illegal in America—including torture.
More at;
The New Yorker_____________________________________
***
Broad Use of Harsh Tactics Is Described at Cuba Base
By Neil A. Lewis
The New York Times
Sunday 17 October 2004
Washington - Many detainees at Guantánamo Bay were regularly subjected to harsh and coercive treatment, several people who worked in the prison said in recent interviews, despite longstanding assertions by military officials that such treatment had not occurred except in some isolated cases.
The people, military guards, intelligence agents and others, described in interviews with The New York Times a range of procedures that included treatment they said was highly abusive occurring over a long period of time, as well as rewards for prisoners who cooperated with interrogators.
One regular procedure that was described by people who worked at Camp Delta, the main prison facility at the naval base in Cuba, was making uncooperative prisoners strip to their underwear, having them sit in a chair while shackled hand and foot to a bolt in the floor, and forcing them to endure strobe lights and screamingly loud rock and rap music played through two close loudspeakers, while the air-conditioning was turned up to maximum levels, said one military official who witnessed the procedure. The official said that was intended to make the detainees uncomfortable, as they were accustomed to high temperatures both in their native countries and their cells.
Such sessions could last up to 14 hours with breaks, said the official, who described the treatment after being contacted by The Times.
More at;
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