during the 1980 campaign. He actually DRAFTED REAGAN'S 'TAX CUT' CAMPAIGN SPEECHES!
And you give him WAY too much credit for economic competence. His main asset always has been his ability to suck up to the very powerful. Greenspan was a grad school DROPOUT when his extremely powerful mentor Arthur Burns got Greenspan appointed to Ford's Council of Economic Advisers.
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DETAILS
From a new book by Ravi Batra (the economist who coined the phrase "jobless recovery") at
http://www.palgrave-usa.com/batra/batra.pdf :
"Greenspan first came into the national limelight when President Gerald Ford appointed him as the chairman of the Council of Economic Advisers (CEA) in 1974. Greenspan did not even have a Ph.D. at the time; nor had he penned anything pioneering to earn the recognition of his peers; yet he was able to rise to a position normally held by star economists.... Greenspans main credential in 1974 was his intimate friendship with thenFed chairman Arthur Burns, who recommended his pal to the recently vacant position at the CEA. Burns was once a professor at Columbia University, where Greenspan enrolled for his doctorate from 1950 to 1952. The pupil and the teacher grew close because of their ideological affinity. But Burns was an eminent economist, renowned for his seminal work on the business cycle, whereas Greenspan dropped out of school after two years of laborious night classes....
Despite their differences, the two grew so close that Greenspan even held the first mortgage to Burnss home in Washington in 1970, playing the role of a banker. When he was nominated as Fed chairman to become the worlds foremost banker, this type of relationship proved more important than his meager banking experience. ... Thus it can be argued, favoritism, not merit, nor genius, started Greenspan off to political prominence that eventually took him to stardom."
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And from the historical book, "The Triumph of Conservatism", at
http://www.thirdworldtraveler.com/Democracy_America/TriumphConservatism_POAD.html :
"Before the I978 election, business lobbies and corporate political action committees had tended to divide their contributions equally between Democrats, the incumbent party, and Republicans, the more probusiness party. But in that election, PAC contributions began to shift toward Republicans. ... As the I980 elections approached, business leaders and PACs decided to cast their lot with the Republicans, but for the presidential nomination they were still leery of supporting a full-blown conservative like Ronald Reagan. Most business leaders had backed Gerald Ford against Reagan in the 1976 primaries. In 1980 they backed either John Connally or George Bush against Reagan. They doubted the seventy-year-old Reagan's competence as a chief executive. ... (But) once it became clear in the spring of I980 that Reagan had sewn up the nomination, the Californian and business leaders began to move closer to each other.
Reagan formed a policy council chaired by George Shultz and including Alan Greenspan, Ford's chair of the Council of Economic Advisors, Burns, Simon, McCracken, and Walker. He asked Greenspan to draft his speeches and to accompany him during the campaign.
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The economists and former economic officials provided legitimacy for Reagan's promise that he could raise defense spending, cut taxes, and still balance the budget. In September they would conceal their own doubts as they stood behind him as he introduced a highly implausible plan for balancing the budget by I983. (Arthur Burns told Herbert Stein that he endorsed the plan because "if you dissented from it, your whole usefulness in the organization was lost.") Reagan also created a forty-member business advisory group that included CEOs and chairmen from many of the top banks and Fortune 500 corporations. Sensing that they would get much of what they wanted from his administration, the business leaders lent their support.
Once in office, President Reagan fulfilled business's fondest wishes. Reagan's tax program included the supply-side cuts, but it also featured a set of generous business tax cuts devised and lobbied for by Walker, whom Reagan had put in charge of his transition team on tax policy. Administration members who imagined they could defy their business allies got a rude awakening. Reagan's budget director David Stockman thought he could modify Walker's proposed cuts for business in order to make room for other cuts. But he discovered business's power on K Street: "Within days . . . Walker, the Chamber of Commerce, and most of K Street would come at us like a battalion of tanks. The firing lasted four days, then abruptly stopped. Walker got everything he wanted." Some of Walker's cuts were so egregious that they had to be repealed the next year when Robert Mclntyre of Citizens for Tax Justice revealed that they were allowing some large and profitable corporations to pay no taxes at all."