Here's some things I found that were "Anti-Sharon" from him. There are MORE on Google Search...this is just a couple.
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DATE: September 1, 2001 SaturdayROBERT NOVAK, "CHICAGO SUN-TIMES":
I think there's a divided policy. I think Al Hunt is wrong in that he's mouthing the conventional wisdom of Washington and the Clinton holdovers, as he -- you know, do the same thing we did -- well, they ended up with General Sharon in charge, and that what the disaster is.
In the first place you have, on the one hand, the president and the vice-president, Mr. Bush and Mr. Cheney, who almost are saying, "That a boy" to the Israelis -- go get them, go get those Arabs.
On the other hand, Secretary of State Powell and the State Department are saying, this is terrible. You're never going to win this war with targeted assignations.
Now the problem is that Mr. Boucher, the spokesman, reading in a monotone off a sheet of paper, is not giving the proper level of indignation that the Secretary of State would give, or better even still, the president would give. I don't think it's time now, Al, to have a negotiation. But for goodness sake, it's time for the United States of America to say that we do not in any way condone targeted assassinations. It's against the law in this country, ought to be against the law in Israel.
http://72.14.207.104/search?q=cache:z8KJAr8nt0wJ:www.cwfpac.com/chairmans_corner_speeches_09_01_01.htm+Robert+Novak,+no+friend+of+Israel&hl=en
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Friend or Foe?
Not only Israel's friends thought that way. Veteran Israel basher Robert Novak
expressed his fears that the celebrations of the American dead in the streets ...
www.tzemachdovid.org/Facts/friend.shtml During the Gulf War, Israel was hit with dozens Scuds, killing at least 13 and injuring more than 230 people. Thousands of homes were damaged. Yet the United States stubbornly refused to let Israel stand up for itself; insisting that its forces were doing the job of protecting Israel.
The ugly epilogue to this friction occurred months after the Gulf War was over. In September 1991, as the Israeli government tried to secure loan guarantees from the United States for the purpose of resettling immigrants from the former Soviet Union, the President delivered his infamous "lonely little guy" speech. In that speech the President referred to himself as a "lonely little guy" who was going "up against some powerful political forces." He was referring to AIPAC (American Israel Public Affairs Committee), the main pro-Israel lobbying group. Then he cast Israel's disagreement with the United States as a display of ingratitude, claiming that "...just months ago, American men and women in uniform risked their lives to defend Israelis in the face of Iraqi Scud missiles..." While the defeat of Iraq was a good thing for the world, as well as for Israel, Israel did suffer, and the defense that America provided Israel was inadequate. Bush's statement is still shocking 10 years later. America certainly did not set out to save Israel. To demand gratitude for doing so, while suggesting that Americans who support Israel don't have America's best interests in mind is absolutely unforgivable.
For the Gulf War then, Israel wasn't considered a friend, though it wasn't considered a foe either. The question now is, who are America's friends and who are its foes?
Initially, it appeared that Israel, after suffering through years of terrorism would be a natural member for the American coalition. Not only Israel's friends thought that way. Veteran Israel basher Robert Novak expressed his fears that the celebrations of the American dead in the streets of Ramallah would drive Israel and America closer together, harming (in Novak's opinion) America's interests in maintaining strong ties with the Arab world.
It quickly became obvious that Israel would not be included in the coalition. In President Bush's call to arms, he pronounced the need to fight "terrorism with a global reach." The Jerusalem Post's military correspondent, Arieh O'Sullivan explained why this undermines Israel's position. O'Sullivan presents President Bush's argument that terrorism of the type perpetrated by Osama bin Laden "has no brakes." The bad news for Israel is that America won't (and hasn't) put an emphasis on fighting groups like Hamas, Islamic Jihad and Hizbullah, and will place an increased value on gaining the support of Arab states even at Israel's expense.
The American position is clearly expedient, and it's not just how O'Sullivan explains it. In Congressional testimony, the Administration's coordinator for antiterrorism, Francis X. Taylor, stated, "In the early 1990s, we saw the emergence of radical fundamentalist terrorist groups that relied not on state sponsors but primarily on funds raised independently through front companies and so-called charitable contributions." In other words, since Al Qaeda isn't dependent on the largess of any government, there's no prevailing force to constrain its actions.
Still, if there's a measure of comfort provided by O'Sullivan's analysis of American intentions, it's that Israel is not the focus of bin Laden's activities. So even if Israel isn't on America's list of coalition partners right now, it might be after America has defeated bin Laden. Once bin Laden is defeated, America might turn its attention to foes common both to America and Israel.
The Administration's differentiation between kinds of terror affects how it views its friends; it also affects how it views its foes. Will this approach of opposing "terrorism with a global reach" be successful? Two opinions question whether America has the correct approach. In an essay for Arutz-7, entitled "Why America has Already Lost the War" (September 28, 2001), Moshe Feiglin argues that-contrary to Bush's politically correct declarations differentiating between Muslims and terrorists-America's enemy truly is Islam, and that America will be unable to prevail until it recognizes that enemy. According to Mr. Feiglin, the two major religions that broke off from Judaism, Christianity and Islam, each took a quality from Judaism.
Christianity took the quality of mercy and Islam took the quality of strict justice. Islamic resentment of the West is based on the jealousy Islam feels toward the success of the merciful (Christian) West in gaining widespread acceptance around the world. (This view is similar to the analysis expressed by Bernard Lewis in an excellent article, "The Roots of Muslim Rage,"
http://www.theatlantic.com/issues/90sep/rage.htm which was written 11 years ago.)
A variation on this critique was offered by Daniel Pipes in the Jerusalem Post ("What Bush got Right, and Wrong,"
http://www.jpost.com/Editions/2001/09/26/Opinion/Opinion.35375.html) Dr. Pipes' most serious criticism of the President's declaration of purpose was that he had confused a tactic, terrorism, with the true enemy: Islamism. Islamism, as Dr. Pipes defines it, is an ideology that views Islam as both a political and religious philosophy with the intent to subjugate the world. While Dr. Pipes doesn't view Islamism as a majority view within Islam, he also rejects the idea that it is simply a fringe interpretation of the religion. It has significant support. Unlike Mr. Feiglin, Dr. Pipes doesn't view the whole Islamic world as the enemy.
The question still remains, is American's policy of holding Israel at arms' length, encouraging a Palestinian state, and acquiescing to the demands of the Arab states a good idea?
An answer to that question may be gleaned by going back 10 years and observing the help America has received from its Gulf War allies. Stating that the world had changed, at the end of 1991, the first President Bush pursued an initiative to repeal the United Nations' resolution that "Zionism is racism." The initiative was successful, but not a single Arab nation voted for its repeal. The best response the United States got was from Egypt, which receives $2 billion in annual aid from America and had billions in debt forgiven for its participation in the Gulf War coalition, and from Kuwait, whose country was restored. Neither of those countries voted.
Friends, like Jordan, which backed Saddam Hussein, and Saudi Arabia, which was protected by America, voted against repeal. None of these countries paid a diplomatic price for their failures to support this American initiative.
More recently, these "friends" have given little inkling that they've changed in the past decade. Writing in the October 8, 2001, issue of U.S. News ("The Mirage of a Coalition"), Fouad Ajami, a leading scholar and critic of the Islamic world, notes the number of vicious anti-Semitic rumors that have originated in Egypt and concludes, "A country that gives credence to this paranoia can hardly associate with America's campaign."
William Safire, ("High Cost of Coalition", October 4, 2001) wrote in his New York Times column that the Saudis have not been very helpful either. They have consistently impeded the American investigations into two terrorist attacks on Saudi soil that killed Americans. In the current crisis, the New York Times reported that Saudi Arabia has been hindering the American efforts at tracing bin Laden's finances.