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by Keith W. Olson, University of Kansas Press.
Olson makes a well-supported argument that it was the small, conservative newspapers that led to Nixon's resignation. That is to say, opinion was more or less divided according to the model that we see today: conservatives staunchly in support of the Nixon administration, even as the facts about the burglary and cover-up started coming out, and liberals playing the same old Nixon-hating tune (as we do re: Bush). However, through a series of political blunders (the Saturday Night Massacre, the fight for the tapes), the small-town/ small-city or heartland newspapers began to turn against Nixon; these were the conservative papers that the Nixon people often relied on and positioned against the "liberal elite" big city papers. As the editorial boards of these small papers bgean to turn against Nixon, his position became more and more untenable.
The conservatives learned a lesson from this, just as they learned a lesson from Vietnam. The Gulf War and current day manipulation of the press with respect to combat operations was the lesson learned from Vietnam: A population with full information about a war usually makes the right decision - the war in Vietnam was obviously flawed from the outset, and the nearly full access given to the press during its prosecution convinced many Americans that it was so. Similarly, the political apparatus understood that press desent could bring down an administration, so the conservative movement began to build up its own press apparatus to cheerlead no matter what: Fox News is of course the paradigm of the reactionary press apparatus, and it will not turn on Bush like the small newspapers turned on Nixon. The monumental project of constructing the conservative radio talk networks grew out of the same danger of democracy: democracy must be message managed to avoid progressive outbreaks. The conservatives learned both these lessons during the 60's-70's, and they bore fruit fairly quickly (Reagan's ridiculous escape from the criminal conspiracy of Iran-Contra was the first major victory, and Bush's continued immunity from catastrophe after catastrophe is shaping up as the most difficult struggle for these formidable, entrenched institutions). The question that a book like Olson's forces us to ask: Has the conservative movement constructed a perfect shield for all levels of governmental criminality and incompetence?
The quasi- religious fanaticism with which people let Bush off the hook for nearly everything points to yes. Bush is god-like and immune to critique from the right; he's been constructed into a semi-divine emperor figure in the classic mode of fascist political investment. And the papers ain't gonna save us this time. Why? The small papers during Watergate insisted, at the end of the day, on the rule of reason. Today the conservative press apparatus traffics in pure affect, the oscillating play of fear and desire, resentment and excitement - it has no content (just read FreeRepublic for five minutes); it is pure form and intensity. As such, it doesn't matter what Bush actually does, so long as he serves as a mirror for the affects which the conservative press apparatus circulates. You can't fight this with reason, as Kerry tried to do. This is why Kerry came off as boring, dull, uninvested, and why Gore seemed like a deadman in 2000. You can only fight it by circulating opposing affects, and by modulating intensities. And that's the business we should be at now (Howard Dean's angry-man would have been a much better foil to Bush than Kerry's exalted man of reason). The age of reason is over. Rush Limbaugh teaches us that much. It is now time for a war of affects (disgust and pity overtaking triumphalism and viciousness in Iraq, for example).
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