Winning the peace in Iraq. More than a year ago, President Bush stood on an aircraft carrier under
a banner that proclaimed "mission accomplished." But today we know that the mission is not finished,
hostilities have not ended, and our men and women in uniform fight almost alone with the target squarely
on their backs.
People of good will disagree about whether America should have gone to war in Iraq, but this much
is clear: this Administration badly exaggerated its case, particularly with respect to weapons of mass
destruction and the connection between Saddam's government and al Qaeda. This Administration did
not build a true international coalition. This Administration disdained the United Nations weapons
inspection process and rushed to war without exhausting diplomatic alternatives. Ignoring the advice of
military leaders, this Administration did not send sufficient forces into Iraq to accomplish the mission.
And this Administration went into Iraq without a plan to win the peace.
Now this Administration has been forced to change course in order to correct this fundamental
mistake. They are now taking up the suggestions that many Democrats have been making for over a
year. And they must – because having gone to war, we cannot afford to fail at peace. We cannot allow
a failed state in Iraq that inevitably would become a haven for terrorists and a destabilizing force in the
Middle East. And we must secure more help from an international community that shares a huge stake
in helping Iraq become a responsible member of that community, not a breeding ground for terror and
intolerance.
As a first step, we must create a stable and secure environment in Iraq. To do this right, we must
truly internationalize both politically and militarily: we cannot depend on a US-only presence. Other
nations have a vital interest in the outcome, and we must bring them in to commit troops and resources.
The Bush Administration has missed three great opportunities to do that. First, the President broke his
promise to build a legitimate coalition in Iraq by exhausting diplomacy before resorting to the use of
military force. Second, when the statue fell in Baghdad, Kofi Annan invited the United States to come
to the table to discuss international support – but we rejected his offer. Third, when the President
addressed the United Nations last fall, he once again refused to acknowledge the difficulties we faced in
Iraq and failed to elicit support from other nations.
The President has not given our troops the clarity of mission, the equipment or the international
support they need and deserve. We have a different approach based on a simple commitment: Troops
come first. Our helicopter pilots have flown battlefield missions without the best anti-missile systems. In
a Democratic Administration, that will change. Too many of our nation's finest troops have died in
attacks, because tens of thousands were deployed to Iraq without the best bulletproof vests, and there
is a shortage of armored vehicles on the ground. In a Democratic Administration, that will change.
Thousands of National Guardsmen and reservists have been forced to leave their families and jobs for
2004 Democratic National Platform – 9
more than a year – with no end in sight – because this Administration ignored the pressing need for a
true coalition. In a Democratic Administration, that will change.
To succeed, America must do the hard work of engaging the world's major political powers in this
mission. We must build a coalition of countries, including the other permanent members of the UN
Security Council, to share the political, economic, and military responsibilities of Iraq with the United
States.
To win over allies, we must share responsibility with those nations that answer our call, and treat
them with respect. We must lead, but we must listen. The rewards of respect are enormous. We must
convince NATO to take on a more significant role and contribute additional military forces. As other
countries, including Muslim majority countries, contribute troops, the United States will be able to
reduce its military presence in Iraq, and we intend to do this when appropriate so that the military
support needed by a sovereign Iraqi government will no longer be seen as the direct continuation of an
American military presence.
Second, we need to create an international High Commissioner to serve as the senior international
representative working with the Iraqi government. This Commissioner should be backed by a newly
broadened security coalition and charged with overseeing elections, assisting with drafting a
constitution, and coordinating reconstruction. The Commissioner should be highly regarded by the
international community, have the credibility to talk to all the Iraqi people, and work directly with Iraq's
interim government, the new U.S. Ambassador, and the international community.
At the same time, U.S. and international policies must take into consideration the best interests of the
Iraqi people. The Iraqi people desperately need financial and technical assistance that is not swallowed
up by bureaucracy and no-bid contracts, but instead goes directly into grassroots organizations. They
need to see the tangible benefits of reconstruction: jobs, infrastructure, and services. They should also
receive the full benefits of their own oil production as quickly as possible, so as to rebuild their country
and help themselves as individuals, while also reducing the costs of security and reconstruction on the
American taxpayer and the cost of gasoline to American consumers.
And they need to be able to
communicate their concerns to international authorities without feeling they are being disrespected in
their own country.
America also needs a massive training effort to build Iraqi security forces that can actually provide
security for the Iraqi people. It must be done in the field and on the job as well as in the classroom.
Units cannot be put on the street without backup from international security forces. This is a task we
must do in partnership with other nations, not just on our own. And this is a task in which we must
succeed. If we fail to create viable Iraqi security forces – military and police – there is no successful exit
for us and other nations.
The challenges in Iraq are great, but the opportunity is also significant. Under John Kerry and John
Edwards, we will meet those challenges, win the peace in Iraq, and help to create new hope and
opportunity for the entire Middle East.
http://www.democrats.org/pdfs/2004platform.pdf