The thing I heard repeatedly was that without this we would have to let the Gitmo prisoners go. Also, that this would somehow restrict the scope of Dubya's actions, both of which I try to address below---
As per our conversation in Rep. Moore's KCKS office on Thursday morning regarding your desire to hear further detailed objections to H.R. 6166, here is one detailed argument as to why hr 6166 is neither constitutional, nor anything an American could vote for.
First, let us examine a portion of the bill's text.
We start with Section 6. a. (2) --
(2) PROHIBITION ON GRAVE BREACHES- The provisions of section 2441 of title 18, United States Code, as amended by this section, fully satisfy the obligation under Article 129 of the Third Geneva Convention for the United States to provide effective penal sanctions for grave breaches which are encompassed in common Article 3 in the context of an armed conflict not of an international character.
No foreign or international source of law shall supply a basis for a rule of decision in the courts of the United States in interpreting the prohibitions enumerated in subsection (d) of such section 2441.
This means, as my best lights and academic knowledge inform me, that the Geneva convention (as an international source of law-- being a ratified international treaty to which we are a signatory) shall not supply a basis for a decision of a federal court. While it seems to restrict this to conflicts "not of an international character" the nature of the soi disant war on terror, is not international, because all member combatants are not engendering conflict between two nations, but between a nation and various ad hoc non-state groups such as hezbullah and al qaeda.
This undercuts the functional basis for any decision that might appeal to any section of the 1949 treaty. Or, said even more simply, it is a denouncement of a treaty to which we are a signatory. Of course, that also means anyone acting in furtherance of this section is an international criminal as the Geneva convention does not allow a la carte interpretation of its articles.
Moving right along to the next section 6 a. (3)--
(A)
As provided by the Constitution and by this section, the President has the authority for the United States to interpret the meaning and application of the Geneva Conventions and to promulgate higher standards and administrative regulations for violations of treaty obligations which are not grave breaches of the Geneva Conventions.
My understanding of the Constitution is not consistent with this statement. The SCOTUS interprets laws and treaties.
Further discussion can (and should) be read here--
http://www.opiniojuris.org/posts/1157605434.shtmlThis single sentence highlighted above constitutes radical new law, not consistent with the traditional balance of powers, and negates, as best as I can tell, Madison v. Marbury.
Moving On to paragraphs B and C
(B) The President shall issue interpretations described by subparagraph (A) by Executive Order published in the Federal Register.
(C) Any Executive Order published under this paragraph shall be authoritative (except as to grave breaches of common Article 3) as a matter of United States law, in the same manner as other administrative regulations.
Going back for a moment to 6-a.(2) wherein the Geneva convention is repudiated, and 6-a.-3-(A) where the president is made into SCOTUS, we get the easy dodge that since the courts cannot decide using GGC3(1949), and the president is given the right to be 'the decider', a grave breach of the convention is what he says it is, no more, no less. Under our current decider, there will be no breaches, grave or otherwise of the treaty THAT HE WILL PERCEIVE. Congress has handed GWB carte blanche to torture, and in the same act declared SCOTUS no longer germane to the interpretation of treaties.
Now do you see the gravity of HR 6166?
Anyone acting in furtherance of this law is an international war criminal by default.
I know this is abstruse, but I see no flaw in my reasoning. Perhaps you know more sagacious constitutional scholars than I do. If so, please have them respond with a specific rebuttal of my points.
Also, after the Hamdan decision, further denial of Habeus Corpus places anything extracted either by torture, or seized documents or effects into the catagory of the fruits of a poisoned tree. Therefore, while it is objectionable to contemplate releasing all Detainees within the jurisdiction of the United States, it is the inevitable outcome of the already committed grave breaches of Geneva section 3.
This is the fault of Ashcroft and Gonzales, and must be hung around their necks, IMO.
As to the fate of those subjects of extrordinary rendition, that must be seen as a seperate issue, one whose jurisdiction falls squarely in the hands of the world court. Any guesses how they will find?
If you need an expansion of my previous comments on the lack of wisdom regarding to this bill's battlefield effects on the safety of captured US troops, please let me know.