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> Basically, the guy is a jerk, and no matter what he pushes, people will vote against it just because of him?
No, your missing an important distinction. Bill Sizemore is famous for a reason. When he puts his anti-tax crap on the ballots, he gets his 50%, give or take, depending. Some of his ideas have been wildly successful at disrupting Oregon's revenues, causing widespread cutbacks. What I'm trying to convey to you is that this measure was the red-headed stepchild of the 2006 ballot. Any ballot measure bigger than a local library bond needs a few powerful friends to push it through, and this one didn't have any. The rich capitalists didn't like its content, and while I'd like to say Sizemore burnt his bridges to the liberal activists long ago, it's more accurate to say that he didn't have any such bridges to begin with.
Look back a few election cycles to 1998, and see who the GOP candidate for governor was. Look at what his organization did to Oregon's budget with the help of Loren Parks and Norquist's K-Street thugs over the last 12 years or so. Now tell me how he's going to get anyone to support a progressive ballot measure.
> what real connection is there between my near-perfect driving record and my fondness for credit cards?
The insurance industry claims there's a correllation, but it's second-order, and statistical.
At first glance, there's no direct tie between having lousy credit and your driving record. Why should you pay more for car insurance or home-owners' insurance or life insurance or medical insurance just because your credit rating sucks? That's just blatantly unfair.
But then, some industry actuaries run the numbers, and maybe they start finding that people who have lousy credit also have more auto accidents or house fires or shorter life spans or chronic medical conditions, and in order to make their usual payoff margins, they should charge more for that, too. They can either charge the person buying the insurance directly, or distribute the risk across the board to all their clients. That's their argument. I'm not saying anything about how sound their statistical analysis is, or how much the costs really are -- the issue on the ballot was qualitative, not quantitative. But the insurance companies made this argument, and they made it widely known.
Now, whose job was it to do comparable advocacy for the ballot measure that would eliminate this practice? I can tell you this much: you won't push this through without publishing some analysis of what the overall impact to insurance underwriting would be, as distributed across the customer base statewide. And when I say "publishing", I mean "running the numbers on a media campaign comparable to what the insurance industry was running to defeat the measure". I don't know how well Sizemore planned for this, but I know I never saw diddly shit from Yes-on-42 in the mass media. In other words, their campaign got the old industry smackdown from the same people who usually back Sizemore's measures.
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