It is the hypocrisy that is so discouraging. In opposition, Stephen Harper fulminated against the Liberal practice of appointing House of Commons committee chairs, dismissing any defence of the method as mere "posturing." In fact, he virtually tricked the Liberal government into dispensing with that prime ministerial prerogative, allowing committees to elect chairs in a secret ballot. Power may have twisted his perspective: PM Harper has reverted to the practice that he once reviled, slotting Tory MPs into those pivotal roles. It is only one of a series of issues where Mr. Harper has blithely ignored his own advice.
The unsettling decision to appoint chairs is a major curb on the independence for ordinary backbenchers that he once extolled. The change only emerged when Conservative MP Maurice Vellacott happily issued a press release trumpeting his appointment as chair of the aboriginal affairs committee. In response to questions, the Prime Minister's Office declared that, if opposition MPs put their names forward, the PMO would not likely object to an election, as long as the opposing candidate was qualified. Mr. Vellacott piously added that PMO appointments were the mark of adroit planning because they ensure that chairs do not face onerous workloads -- even though party whips can adjust workloads with ease.
To put it politely, the Tory excuses are piffle. Committees are central to the operation of the Commons, allowing MPs to hear from experts and ordinary Canadians on legislation or pressing issues. Members tackle complex issues at length, often detecting legislative flaws that their drafters did not foresee. In the last Parliament, committees held more than 1,600 meetings, examining more than 6,000 witnesses over 2,800 hours. In contrast, the House held only 159 sittings. Committees are a godsend -- if they can operate freely. And now Mr. Harper has tucked them under his thumb again. There are 22 permanent committees, each with 12 members. By a recent agreement, Tory MPs will chair all but three of those committees in this Parliament. (Mercifully, the Official Opposition retains its traditional right to chair the crucial public accounts committee.) The chore of chairman is a prestigious gig: Those MPs receive an extra $10,500 per year -- and the ear of their colleagues.
But if the Tory chairs are beholden to the PM, if they owe their stipend and their position to his good will, contentious issues may not get a thorough hearing -- or they may be handily delayed. The chair, after all, decides questions of order and procedure. Such decisions are not debatable -- although they may be summarily appealed to the committee. Suppose the government wants to jam dicey legislation through the House: Chairs could hinder unwelcome probes. They could, ever so quietly, warn their more rambunctious Tory colleagues to toe the government line. And, although this is a minority Parliament, chairs could play opposition parties off against each other, pushing through decisions.
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