The Polly Toynbee piece in The Guardian today got me thinking about this:
For political vacuity and ineptitude, Labour has really excelled this weekPeter Hain's resignation caps an astonishing spell of blundering. Brown's only comfort can be that the Tory lead is so small
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Commentators' keyboards are bashing out reams of reasons why, and they are not short of copy. Some start with Brown's election-that-never-was, but others start with this Monday, when something real happened in the real economy. What did Labour do? The very week that turbo-capitalism ate itself was the week that the government planned to give Northern Rock to Richard Branson or others, with no outright nationalisation that would guarantee taxpayers the profits as well as the risks - all for Labour's fear of the n-word.
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In this same hurricane week the government for some reason chose to introduce its bill to lock up suspects for 42 days without trial, despite a mass rebellion on its back benches. And it has also emerged that 16 vast and vastly unpopular casinos will go ahead in the nation's poorest boroughs: Brown's noble gesture that established his moral compass turned out to mean only one casino cancelled. He said there were better ways to regenerate poor areas, so why change his mind?
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In this week, too, an unprecedented 22,000 police marched on the government over a pay increase that would have cost a paltry £30m. It was only the first revolt over Labour's bid to hold down public pay to 2% while doing nothing and saying nothing about wealth: City bonuses hit some £7bn even in a crash year. The doubling of inheritance tax relief to £750,000, combined with the capital gains tax cuts, greatly fuelled inequality on Labour's watch. In this week, even some City winners such as Sir Stuart Rose were queasily critical of the growing wealth divide between London and the rest. Labour said nothing.
Believe it or not, in this same week the home secretary said she felt unsafe walking London's streets after dark and suggested electronic searches of children at school. Not surprisingly, no one believed that crime, including violent crime, had actually fallen by 40%, and that a smaller proportion of young people were committing offences as more stayed in education and apprenticeships. Why would Labour spend £2.7bn on Titan prisons for another 10,500 inmates if crime wasn't rampant? In this week, too, yet another report found further education colleges starved of funds: those needing most help and vocational training get least, compared with A-level and university students.
http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/story/0,,2246743,00.html Now, I'm pretty much a natural Lib Dem voter, and there's no chance of the Lib Dems being the largest party, so the best result for me would be a hung parliament, with a Labour-Lib Dem coalition as a result. But at the moment I fear the Tories could end up with an absolute majority (or, possibly even worse, a majority thanks to support from the Paisleyites).
So, what could Labour do to peel a few Lib Dem voters away in a Lab-Con marginal, enabling them to beat the Tory? I'm in a Lib Dem-Con marginal, with Labour nowhere, so my next vote is decided already (assuming I don't move, which I have no plans to). But if I were in a Lab-Con marginal, at the moment I'd feel like voting Lib Dem anyway, on the "there's no difference between those 2 parties anyway" principle (which I (hypocritically?) hate to see on DU when applied to the Democrats and Republicans).
Or does Labour's only electoral salvation only lie in grabbing more Tory voters - with more of the same policies that Toynbee describes above? Is it possible in modern Britain to elect a government that would have been 'centrist' in the 70s and earlier, or have we moved to the right to the extent that all possible governments are Thatcherite now?