The last line is probably the reason I always feel guilty that I sleep in and don't get to the dawn service at the War Memorial each year: 'Rather it is about national identity, inter-generational gratitude and deep pity and horror concerning war.'
The war myth that made us
Robert Manne
April 25, 2007Mystery surrounds Anzac Day. Why have Australians, despite the passage of the years, increasingly come to regard the beginning of one of the most terrible defeats the British Empire suffered in the First World War as their most solemn national day?
One explanation is fanciful. It suggests that something in the national psyche is drawn to stories of audacious exploits that end in disaster - Burke and Wills, Ned Kelly, Phar Lap, Gallipoli. Another is more persuasive. It argues that it was only with the news of the landing at Gallipoli that the Australian nation felt it truly had been born. But if so, why?
The historian John Hirst's convincing brief answer goes like this. Despite the creation of vibrant democracies in all the British colonies of Australia, despite the magnificent but sober political achievement of federation, in 1915 the key to the Australian political psychology remained a gnawing sense of colonial inferiority.
The Gallipoli landing was the first action of a solely Australian military unit. The first report to reach our shores came, importantly, not from an Australian but from the British war correspondent Ellis Ashmead-Bartlett. The mode was unashamedly heroic. "There has been no finer feat in this war than this sudden landing in the dark and the storming of the heights." Even more significantly, Ashmead-Bartlett wrote the words Australians most yearned to hear. "General Birdwood told the writer that he couldn't sufficiently praise the courage, endurance and the soldierly qualities of the Colonials (The Australians) were happy because they had been tried for the first time and not found wanting." Ashmead-Bartlett's report was published throughout Australia. The Anzac myth was created.
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One of the interesting features of the Anzac story is the way politicians seem incapable of leaving it alone. Paul Keating was unhappy that the action took place on the other side of the world, and at a time when Australians loyally served the British Empire. He hoped to replace the story of Gallipoli with the story of Kokoda, where Australians fought in their own region and in national self-defence. On balance, Keating's attempt to relocate the Anzac story has failed. Although there has been some quickening of interest in Kokoda, Gallipoli remains Australia's only sacred soil.
John Howard has attempted something rather different. He has sought to strip from the story of Gallipoli the sense of war's ultimate futility and to graft it on to something he calls "the great Australian military tradition", which stretches, in his opinion, from Gallipoli to Iraq. In our history of loyal military service alongside Britain and America we have made no mistake. This bombast is both new to Australian politics and, as the catastrophe of Iraq reveals, fuelled by a dangerously uncritical self-regard.
Like Keating's initiative, Howard's will most likely also fail. One of the most interesting and unpredicted features of recent times is the way so many young Australians have been drawn to Gallipoli and Anzac. My guess is that they are attracted by the need to feel they belong to something larger than themselves and, living as they do in a hedonistic age, by astonishment at the sacrifices young men in a different time had been willing to make.
For these young people, if I am right, Anzac is not about great military traditions or the supposed glory of even justly fought wars. Rather it is about national identity, inter-generational gratitude and deep pity and horror concerning war.
http://www.theage.com.au/articles/2007/04/24/1177180648069.html