Timing And Turnout In Ohio
Walter Mebane
July 21, 2005
Walter Mebane is professor of government at Cornell University. He was a member of the team that produced the DNC Ohio 2004 study. Before that, he worked as part of the National Research Commission on Elections and Voting created by the Social Science Research Council to monitor, analyze and report on problems and successes in the 2004 election.On June 29, 2005, John Tanner of the U.S. Department of Justice (DOJ), wrote to Nick Soulas, Assistant Prosecuting Attorney, Franklin County, Ohio, to report the results of "an investigation into the November 2, 2004 general election in Franklin County, prompted by allegations that Franklin County systematically assigned fewer voting machines in polling places serving predominantly black communities as compared to its assignment of machines in predominantly white communities." While far from a glowing evaluation, the conclusion Tanner stated must have pleased Ohio officials: "Franklin County assigned voting machines in a non-discriminatory manner. Accordingly, there was no violation of Section 2 of the Voting Rights Act, 42 U.S.C. 1973, and we are thus closing our file." Headlines two days later broadcast that gist. "Department of Justice finds no racial disparities in Ohio voting," went an AP story. "Justice Clears Ohio in Voting Booth Bias," said another.
The truth is not so simple. The DOJ report concedes there were more registered voters per voting machine in precincts that had many African-American voters than in precincts that did not. In fact, using data from Franklin County, I calculate that the quartile of precincts with the largest proportion of African-American voters had 23.7 percent more registered voters per voting machine than the quartile of precincts with the smallest proportion. One might think that fact would end the argument, but the DOJ notes that different results appear when one looks at the number of ballots cast. The DOJ reports states that "the allocation of voting machines actually favored black voters because more white voters were voting on each voting machine than black voters." Indeed, in the quartile of precincts with the smallest proportion of African-American voters, there were 3.7 percent more ballots cast per machine than in the quartile with the largest. This is the basis for the DOJ's conclusion.
The Turnout QuestionIt is easy to see the big hole in the DOJ analysis. The Democratic National Committee's study of the 2004 election in Ohio (Democracy at Risk: The 2004 Election in Ohio) finds that throughout the state, failures in election administration caused racial disparities in voters' election day experiences. African-American voters reported waiting an average of 52 minutes before voting, while white voters reported waiting an average of 18 minutes. Three percent of voters who went to the polls left their polling places and did not return due to the long lines. Throughout Ohio, reductions in voter turnout are associated with inadequate provision of voting machines. The DNC study finds that turnout is typically two to three percent lower in precincts that were allocated fewer machines.
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Should the DOJ have exonerated Franklin County? The argument they used to do so ignored an important fact: The allocation of voting machines reduced voter turnout more among African American voters than among white voters. Probably the simple truth is that Franklin officials made their voting machine allocation decisions using the spring data on active voters, doing little or nothing to respond to the new voter registrations. Was that negligence malicious? Was it criminal? I am not a lawyer, but a clever attorney might argue that the Franklin County machine allocations had a rational and nondiscriminatory basis in the April data. That might legally exculpate them. But the DOJ did not take this approach. The least one can say is there was shamefully negligent administrative failure that deprived thousands of voters of their right to vote.
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