September 24, 2006
Lost Horizons
By ADAM NAGOURNEY
It should have been an easy morning for Ken Mehlman, chairman of the Republican National Committee. He had settled in for a radio interview with a friendly questioner, Frank Beckmann, broadcasting live on WJR from the first floor of the Renaissance Center, home to General Motors in Detroit. As the traffic report hummed over the studio monitors, Mehlman and Beckmann bantered about the liberal media and the war on terrorism and all the problems with the Democrats. But something changed when the microphone went live. Beckmann did not turn hostile, but he was nothing like the cheerleader-interviewer Mehlman tends to find on the other side of the table. Why has Bush been so slow to make a case — “He waited too long, didn’t he?” — for Iraq? Was Bush’s unpopularity dragging Republicans down in places like Michigan, one of the few states where Republicans actually had a chance to topple a Democratic governor and senator? And why was Bush, sounding just like a Democrat, pressing an immigration plan that could help illegal immigrants become citizens? “Why should anybody support what the president puts out there on this, Ken?” Beckmann asked.
It is hard to fathom how much Mehlman’s life has changed since he took the chairman’s desk at the Republican National Committee headquarters on Capitol Hill in January 2005, the reward for managing, together with Karl Rove at the White House, what was widely praised as one of the most sophisticated and groundbreaking presidential campaigns in a generation. “It was an election where they knew more than we did,” Joe Lockhart, a senior strategist for John Kerry, the Democratic presidential candidate, told me. For the next year, Chairman Mehlman talked big and thought big about the Republican Party: about how he and his allies could fundamentally redraw the political architecture of America, change the way Americans conceptualize the two parties and establish Republicans as the dominant party in America long after George Bush returned to Texas. That meant putting a lock on the White House and Congress, and it meant winning statehouses and governorships, which draw the redistricting maps that are the cement of long-term political realignments. This was nothing short of a campaign to marginalize the Democratic Party and everything that Mehlman, reflecting Bush and Rove, said it stood for: big government, high taxes, liberal judges, a timorous foreign policy.
In meticulous detail and with a cool mastery of his subject, he preached about the revolution in marketing and data technologies and the new world of advertising and communications that had transformed politics since he first arrived at the George Bush for President campaign in Austin seven years earlier. It is a political paradigm that Republicans — particularly Rove, Mehlman and the Bush campaign’s senior strategist, Matthew Dowd — grasped before Democrats did, and nearly as much as anything else, it accounted for Republican successes in 2002 and 2004. After he was named chairman, Mehlman began filling his days with appearances before African-American audiences across the country, where he apologized for past Republican slights to black Americans, portrayed Republicans as the “party of Lincoln” and pledged to challenge Democrats for black, as well as Hispanic, support. Quixotic? Perhaps. But it reflected just how bullish the second-term Bush Republican Party, with its eye to history and legacy and lasting power, had become.
There was time for such indulgences in the days before a hurricane roared through New Orleans and the country turned against the war Bush had launched in Iraq. These days, of course, talk of a Republican realignment has given way to talk of simple survival this November. Now the lofty ideals and bold ambitions of Mehlman and Rove often seem in direct conflict with the short-term survival instincts of Republicans who want nothing more than to get past the next election. House Republicans sabotaged Bush’s immigration plan, ignoring Mehlman’s warnings about the damage that an enforcement-only immigration bill could do to the party’s long-term growth among Hispanic voters, a critical part of the party realignment that the White House had envisioned. He spent much of July trying to manage the fallout among black leaders after House conservatives delayed a routine extension of the Voting Rights Act. Earlier this year, at the American Jewish Committee’s 100th annual meeting, Mehlman, the second Jewish chairman in the history of the Republican National Committee, heard scattered boos as he defended the Iraq war to a room fearful that the White House’s Iraq policy had empowered Iran, whose new president had expressed a desire to destroy Israel. It was dispiriting for Mehlman, especially since Jewish voters are another group that Republicans are trying to peel off the Democratic base.
>more of this long article from the Times Sunday Magazine
http://www.nytimes.com/2006/09/24/magazine/24melman.html