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Let me explain specifically why. Your posts seem to me aimed at giving people a false sense of security about an election system that has been rendered almost completely non-transparent. In this circumstance, the election system and its results must be presumed guilty until proven innocent. It is dangerous to our democracy to presume anything else. Non-transparency in an election system--especially the near total non-transparency in ours--is not an innocent condition. It wreaks of fraud. It screams fraud. There is really no other reason for non-transparency in an election system except fraud. Efforts like TIA's to figure out what this non-transparency may have been used for are useful and laudable, because non-transparency is designed to deny us the very evidence that could prove the system innocent of producing wrongful results. We do not have that evidence. The votes are NOT counted in public, in a way that everyone can see and understand. Half the systems in our country have no transparency at all. No paper trail, no ballot. Those results cannot be verified. We have no way of knowing that they are true. And even in the best of states, only 1% of the ballots are checked--not nearly adequate for a 'TRADE SECRET' code system, owned and controlled by rightwing corporations. We are forced to guess. We have to look at whatever information there is, that is visible--voter lists, precinct numbers, evidence of voter suppression, private corporate personnel having access to off-limits election areas, pre-election polls, voter registration increases, numbers of undervotes, numbers of provisional ballots--or, in TIA's study, a parallel system, the exit polls--for clues as to what really took place.
We also cannot ignore context--Bush's Titanic sinking in opinion polls, starting on the very day of his second inauguration (and never recovering), the Democratic '06 Congress' 10% approval rating--parallel systems again--and evidence of crime and gross malfeasance by those who gained office in non-transparent elections, evidence of further secrecy (as with Rove's 5,000 'disappeared' emails) and that regime's obsessive secrecy on all fronts, evidence of the looting of government coffers, unjustifiable war, political proseutions, motives for election fraud, and so on. This context leads to even greater suspicion, added to the non-transparency--rightful suspicion, necessary suspicion--of the results. TIA brings additional evidence to this overall picture, by detailed analysis of one parallel system, of where, specifically, fraud may have occurred, and when. It may be that we need to look more to a variety of methods of election fraud, or to other methods (for instance, voter purges), to fully understand what occurred (non-transparency, plus abuse of power, plus corporate news complicity, etc.). TIA cannot prove election fraud. The evidence--the only final, determinative evidence--the ballots, has been denied to us, on a system-wide basis. Unless there is a recount somewhere--a rare event--in one of the systems that have an actual ballot, 98% of the votes are unavailable for inspection.
So, I am not very interested in tearing TIA to pieces, or in your efforts to debunk TIA. TIA's analysis is not the only evidence of election fraud. To me, it is just a guide. It points to possible widespread manipulation of the 'TRADE SECRET' programming code, over many states, in different elections--and that certainly makes sense to me, as to the condition of the system--non-transparent--and the cleverest way that private corporate access to the code, with no public review, might be used (a little percentage here, a little percentage there, spread over many machines, in many places) to reduce detectability. Some of his demonstrations and arguments are compelling, but they cannot say who did it (just who benefits from it), or produce a definitive "smoking gun." That evidence has been denied to him, and to me and you and to everyone.
I do try to keep an open mind. I think I have a strong component of "negative capability," as Keats called--the ability to see the other side of things. I try to keep testing my opinions against the facts and other arguments. But I have not found much help in your posts in my understanding of election fraud, or--and this is very important to me--in understanding the general condition of our democracy, and what we can do to repair it. I certainly don't want us to go barking up a wrong tree--and trying to fix something that isn't broken, and wasting our citizen energy. I have considered that, despite TIA's analysis, the problem may lay elsewhere, in all the visible fraud (voter purges, vote suppression, etc.) But I keep coming back to the non-transparency. What is it for? Why would anyone design such a perverse system, and fast-track it into place, with virtually no controls? It makes no sense to me (except in a context of putrid corruption), and TIA does make sense. This system is used to give the warmongers and corporatists an edge--an extra advantage, on top of everything else--because their policies serve the minority, and, the worse their policies get, the more fraudulent advantage do they need.
It's not that TIA can or does prove anything definitively. It's that his studies make so much sense in the greater context. I am not a statician, nor even particularly good at math. But I can follow these studies, and I'm good at detail generally. I find TIA's studies useful and interesting. I think he has made an heroic effort to understand what's going on, in conditions of massive government secrecy. And I feel he is on the right track. The non-transparency, and the necessity of using parallel systems, and outside information (rather than the ballots themselves, because there are no ballots in half the systems, and virtually no ballots in the other half) is at least half the "smoking gun." It is that that we must fix first, for it is fundamental to our power to fix anything else. If we are to remain in a perpetual state of not really knowing who won, with private corporations controlling that information, our democracy is over.
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