(...) during a state visit to Argentina and Uruguay, François Mitterrand declared with studied emphasis at Montevideo: "Democracy is nothing without development." To be sure, I realized long ago that for François Mitterrand an idea has no value as regards intrinsic content and as a statement of something known; rather, it is like an arrow, the chief interest of which is to be found in the position from which it is fired and the target at which it is aimed. For every individual -- and in particular for every politician, we must hasten to admit -- the interest possessed by an idea is divided in varying proportions between its truth-containing and its utilitarian function, between its content of information and its polemical power. But in few individuals more than in François Mitterrand have I seen such a complete effacement of the function of truth to the benefit of the function of utility. It is not, or not solely, a form of insincerity. It is simply the natural and total triumph of the tactical over the conceptual dimension.
(from page 128)
In reality, if democracy without development was meaningless, then neither the French or the American revolution nor the British reform movement should have been undertaken. At the time those happenings took place, all three nations displayed acute symptoms of what today would be called underdevelopment. Switzerland in the nineteenth century was a very poor country. Nonetheless, for centuries it had been practicing a form of direct democracy on the level of the canton, very much in advance of the rest of Europe. Should this have been halted so long as the country was not rich? (...) At what level of development can a society be regarded as ripe for democracy, and how is this to be determined? (...) Any society, according to the criterion adopted, can be considered as underdeveloped or developed. Brazil is at once overdeveloped and underdeveloped. (...) In 1944 France itself was profoundly underdeveloped, suffering from shortages of food, clothing, housing, electricity and heating, public and private transportation, with an annual per capita income that was less than that of 1900. Should freedom for his reason have been deferred and the Vichy regime prolonged until the country's economic development reached its plenitude? And who would be qualified to fix the degree of development above which a democracy ceases to be "nothing" and becomes a "something"?
(from page 129)
The power of ideology is rooted in a human lack of curiosity about facts.
(from page 203)
What, after all, could be more inoffensive than Assyriology? (...) It is easy to understand why certain areas of history should be jealously watched over by ideologists -- for example, the French Revolution, whose territory is littered with ideological debris that are still radioactive and upon which we venture to tread as though entering a castle, haunted by ghosts eager to be enrolled posthumously in our contemporary battles. But Assyriology! Only the thirsty for ignorance, the libido ignorandi, can explain its laborious beginnings. For when, in 1802, a young Latin scholar, Georg Friedrich Grotefend, informed the Royal Society of Sciences of Göttingen University in Germany that he had found the key to "the so-called cuneiform inscriptions of Persepolis" -- something that he had indeed achieved -- the news left this particular society completely cold. And yet, as a present-day Assyriologist, Jean Bottéro, has written, it was Grotefend who "first advanced along this road at the end of which, after half a century of effort, scholars were finally able to master the formidable triple secret which for two thousand years had defended Assyrian and Babylonian inscriptions." (...)
(from page 204)
This reaction of apathy toward information is a basic fact that we must take into account if we wish to understand the mishaps of communication and comprehension. It comes before any invasion of ideology. As soon as the latter intervenes, it simply triples or quadruples the powerlessness of pure knowledge to retain our attention; it does not create this impotence from scratch.
(from page 204)