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papau Donating Member (1000+ posts) Send PM | Profile | Ignore Mon Jan-03-05 09:06 AM
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Chile's disaster with Social Security private accounts - & US Media says
nothing - but then who expected US Media to be a truth teller about anything where the truth might anger the GOP? Indeed the "he said/she said" format does not work when one side is a bunch of liars - a fact the GOP/rich do an excellent job of exploiting.

Multinational corporations have gained a stronghold over the Chilean economy through their control of financial companies that control workers' pension funds. These competing, private pension fund companies were set up in 1980 as a mandatory replacement for the government social security system. After the crash of 1981-1983, several of the most important pension fund companies were taken over by the government. When they were resold in the following years, foreign financial consortia purchased controlling shares in many.

http://www.tcf.org/Publications/RetirementSecurity/chileprivatization.pdf
What Went Wrong

1. Volatility. For more than a decade, the returns on AFP accounts seemed spectacular. The selling off of state enterprises and, from 1985 to 1991, high interest rates contributed to an average annual real return over fifteen years of 16.6%, peaking at 35% from 1989 to 1991. Almost half of the investments were in government bonds that were indexed to inflation, which was high during that period. But subsequently Chile’s economy cooled, and so have returns on personal pension accounts. In 1994, more than half of the AFPs incurred losses. In 1995, average returns fell to -2.5%, and over the past three years they have averaged only 1.8%. Since 1995, the average dollar amount of pensions paid has also dropped.

2. High Expenses and Fees. Total AFP expenses range from 15% to 20% of annual contributions--an average of $62 per enrollee in 1995. (U.S. Social Security expenses, by way of contrast, amount to less than 2% of contributions.) Approximately one third of these expenses represent sales costs, which from 1988 to 1995 more than doubled as a percentage of total expenses as AFPs competed for enrollees, not by reducing charges but by mounting ever more extravagant marketing campaigns. Swayed by free toaster ovens and other prizes or the promise of bigger returns, 25% of enrollees switch AFPs each year. These expenses consume a higher percentage of low earners’ contributions than high earners’ contributions, and they reduce the rate of return for every Chilean. In 1995, fees and commissions amounted to 23.6 percent of contributions, or 2.4 percent of average wages. According to World Bank economist Hemant Shah, commissions reduced individuals' average rates of return between 1982 and 1995 from 12.7% to 7.4%, and between 1991 and 1995 from 12.9% to a mere 2.1%. One actuary has calculated that for a new enrollee the 3.5% gross yield in 1996 actually amounted to a return of -6.8%. That same year the profit margins for AFPs--five of which controlled 80% of the market, constituting an implicit cartel--averaged more than 22%.

3. Evasion and underreporting. According to Chilean economist Jaime Ruiz-Tagle, workers contributing to AFPs earned an average of $1,000 in February 1995 but declared an average taxable income of only $460. Only 58% of workers contributed anything at all. Evasion through underreporting is particularly widespread among low earners, who figure that the guaranteed minimum pension will exceed what their retirement funds can yield. Employers, too, often underreport payroll in order to evade other taxes and charges. In February 1996, there were 150,000 unresolved suits against employers for insufficient or nonexistent deposits of worker contributions.

4. Inadequate coverage. A United Nations Development Program report estimates that 40% of AFP contributors will require additional assistance. The less one earns and the longer one lives, the more likely it is that an AFP account will not suffice. Since women in Chile, as in the United States, earn less on the average, leave the workforce more frequently to bear and raise children, and outlive men, they are particularly at risk. U.S. women, in contrast, benefit from the redistributive nature of Social Security, which provides more generous benefits, as a proportion of income, to low earners. The only safety net for the poor is a minimal pension that provides barely enough to pay for a loaf of bread and a cup of coffee each day. And even that austere program is limited to 300,000 Chileans, excluding thousands of the most destitute citizens. Moreover, most of the self-employed, who constitute more than 28% of the Chilean workforce, are especially vulnerable because participation in an AFP plan is not mandatory for self-employed workers; as of 1996, only 10% of them had voluntarily enrolled.

5. High transition and supplementary costs. Add up the pensions under the new system and those still being paid under the old one, the "recognition bonds," the minimum pension, and other guarantees, and the private pension system is at least three times as costly to run as the system it replaced. Government spending on pensions currently amounts to 6% of Chilean GDP.

A FOOTNOTE:

The junta protected one class of Chileans from privatization. The military continues to this day to receive pensions under the old governmental system.

==============================================
bad old aarp sells the idea in 1995 - but has backed off now - in 1995 the inflation guarantees and other guarantee options being a disaster waiting to happen with no cure except massive economic distaster was not appreciated

Chile's Experience with the Privatization of Social Security

In 1981, Chile replaced its public defined benefit social insurance system with a private mandatory defined contribution scheme, a radical reformation that a number of other countries - faced with problems similar to those that led to reform in Chile - have considered adopting. Some observers in the United States have even recommended privatizing the U.S. Old-Age, Survivors Insurance and Disability Insurance (OASDI) program. In this AARP Public Policy Institute Issue Brief, Sara E. Rix highlights the factors leading to the reform in Chile, describes the features of the new system, and discusses the advantages and disadvantages of the reform for Chile and future Chilean retirees. (8 pages)

Download or view Chile's Experience with the Privatization of Social Security in Portable Document Format. http://research.aarp.org/econ/ib23_chile.pdf

publication ID: IB23 publication date: August 1995
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papau Donating Member (1000+ posts) Send PM | Profile | Ignore Mon Jan-03-05 08:09 PM
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1. GOP LIES: "Payout Choices by Retirees in Chile: What Are They and Why?”
For those that like GOP lies, I give you this paper “Payout Choices by Retirees in Chile: What Are They and Why?”presented at the annual meeting of the American Economic Association, January 2004 with data and analysis provided by Estelle James, Guillermo Martinez and Augusto Iglesias, and the appointed political hacks at the Social Security administration - where Estelle James is of "Policies to Protect the Old and Promote Growth" from the World Bank and a member of the President’s Commission to Strengthen Social Security in the United States – and the National Center for Policy Analysis writer tells us that “NOTE: Nothing written here should be construed as necessarily reflecting the views of the National Center for Policy Analysis or as an attempt to aid or hinder the passage of any bill before Congress “!!!!!!

The paper does have some good data – and some partial truth data that amounts to lies. But it should be in our Soc Security libraries.

NATIONAL CENTER FOR POLICY ANALYSIS
HOME / DONATE / ONE LEVEL UP / ABOUT NCPA / CONTACT US
Private Pension Annuities in Chile
Features of Chilean Pension Payouts

“Regulations limit workers choice of pension funds, retirement age and retirement income options.”Chilean workers are required to contribute 10 percent of their wages (plus another 2.5 to 3 percent for administrative expenses and survivors and disability insurance) to personal pension accounts. The following text sums up the system. The accounts are managed by pension funds, known by their Spanish-language initials, AFPs. These funds must invest according to very strict guidelines. Payouts are also tightly circumscribed. Workers cannot access their funds for the purchase of a house, education or medical expenses, as they can in some other countries. For retirement, workers basically must choose between annuitization and programmed withdrawals.3 While the terms of an annuity are set on the date it is purchased, programmed withdrawal terms vary every year and retirees who start with them can switch to annuities later on. Additionally, workers must choose their age of retirement, subject to eligibility conditions described below. These are likely to be the key choices that are offered in many reforming countries. The only account-holders allowed to cash out some of their funds are those with accumulations large enough to produce a pension that is at least 120 percent of the minimum pension guarantee described below and at least 70 percent of the worker’s average wage over the past 10 years; the surplus over the amount necessary to fund this pension can be taken as a lump sum upon retirement. Few workers have met this requirement.4

“Workers are guaranteed an inflation-adjusted minimum pension that closely tracks the growth of real wages.”The Minimum Pension Guarantee. Regardless of the option chosen, the government promises to keep the pension at or above the level of a minimum pension guarantee. This guarantee is available to all workers who have contributed to an individual account for at least 20 years. If the worker’s own accumulation is not enough to cover a minimum lifetime pension, the government provides a subsidy out of general revenues to bring it up to that level.5 An average wage worker should be able to reach the minimum level with 20 years of full time work. Therefore, those whose own pension is less than the minimum on their date of retirement have either earned less than the average wage or worked and contributed only part-time. After retirement, the minimum pension guarantee reduces the risk that workers will outlive their savings (longevity risk) or face a decline in the value of their stocks and bonds (investment risk), but it increases the risk to the public treasury, which is left with a contingent liability.6

Despite the rapid growth of annuitization and the high money’s worth ratio available to annuitants, the pension industry in Chile faces some serious problems. These include:
uncertainty about future interest and mortality rates,
front-loading of the programmed withdrawals formula,
overly easy preconditions for early retirement and
a potentially large contingent liability for the government as a rising minimum pension guarantee conflicts with early retirement and front-loaded programmed withdrawals.

Uncertain Interest and Mortality Rates. When an insurance company issues an annuity, it is guaranteeing a lifetime investment return for the annuitant. If interest rates fall or longevity increases, the insurance company bears this risk and must cover the cost. Each insurance company makes its own assumptions and decides how much risk to bear. But competition may force it to make assumptions that are favorable to annuitants. For example, companies may assume that future investment returns will be higher so generous payouts can be promised. When interest rates were higher than they are today, annuities were sold under the assumption that these higher rates would be maintained. If interest rates stay low or fall further, insurance companies could find themselves in financial stress. <snip>

http://www.ncpa.org/pub/st/st271/st271apdx1.htm
http://www.ncpa.org/pub/st/st271/st271apdx2.htm
http://www.ncpa.org/pub/st/st271/st271apdx3.htm
http://www.ncpa.org/pub/st/st271/st271apdx4.htm
http://www.ncpa.org/pub/st/st271/st271apdx5.htm

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