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Those three words are probably more difficult for George W. Bush to say even than "I made a mistake" or "I lied."
"We have lost" makes the other statements irrelevant. "We have lost" means George W. Bush, as president of the United States and commander in chief of its armed forces, must change his course of action. "We have lost" is a statement of fact, a statement of reality as accepted by the speaker. When George W. Bush says, if he ever does, "We have lost," he will be forced to act, to make decisions, and to live by them every bit as he did after his untrue "mission accomplished" speech in May 2003.
"We have lost" means there is no practical sense in continuing the fight. It means the troops -- and the civilian contractors specifically connected to the military operations -- must be brought home. They must be brought home as quickly, and as safely, as possible, and the repatriation must be done without regard to saving face or making the retreat look like a victory.
"We have lost" also means, unfortunately, that lots of blame will be thrown around. "We have lost" does not mean George W. Bush will personally accept any of that blame or allow his cronies and friends and supporters and sycophants and beneficiaries of him imperial largesse (read, Cheney and all the corporate vampires of the war-profiteers club) to do so. They will shift the blame and weasel out of any responsibility for the next forty years, if not longer. But their weaseling and excuse-making and blame-shifting will not cause the deaths of any more in an American-fought war in Iraq.
"We have lost" also means, unfortunately, that we will leave a horrendous mess behind us in Iraq. If we stay, the mess will not be cleaned up; our presence in Iraq is fueling the sectarian fighting as well as providing handy targets for those who simply want us out of their country so they can continue either their lives or their civil war in peace. If we go, it may get worse or it may get better, but even the slight chance that our exit may improve things ought to be a small incentive to get out. Slight chance, slim chance, tiny ray of hope: aren't they all better than what we've got now?
"We have lost" also means, unfortunately, that we may be charged with some responsibility for the horrendous mess we've left behind. And in this case, "charged" may have a distinctly monetary aspect. As we bemoan the half-trillion of our tax dollars blown up in this vain attempt to do whatever it was George W. Bush hoped to do in Iraq, we tend not to examine what might happen if the international community of which we are part whether we want to be or not exacts payment to repair at least some of the damage we've done. Those payments -- whether they are in the form of higher oil prices, direct restitution to whatever country or countries Iraq becomes, or whatever -- those payments may place an unfamiliar burden on the American people (who are, in effect, the American government).
"We have lost" means we admit we tried to do something and we failed. It means we admit to and accept our own vulnerability, our vincibility, our mistakes, our errors, our poor judgment, our arrogance, our stupidity. Indeed, "we have lost" means we must admit that we are human, capable of human error.
"We have lost" also means that despite all their public displays of faith George W. Bush and his administration did not have the approval and support and assistance of their god. The "higher father" who told George W. Bush this invasion and occupation of Iraq was the right thing to do either lied. . . or was just a figment of Mr. Bush's imagination. This repudiation by "God" of the Bush imperialism may remove the last major segment of the American population that still supports him: the devout christian fundamentalists who saw this war as a route to the end times and the rapture.
"We have lost" may also cause the last minor segment of the American population that still supports the administration to fall away, too. They are the ultra-right-wing white supremacists for whom the Iraq invasion was just another part of their war on everyone but themselves. They're the "how did our oil get under their sand?" crowd. They're the ones who rarely enter the military but often enter militias. They're the ones who, like the Nazis of the 1930s and 1940s, took pride in the deaths of their children who fought for a good cause, believing that they fought for the rights and privileges only of white Americans. These Americans do not like to lose, and they will excoriate the administration not only for losing, but for admitting they have lost.
"We have lost" will also afford those who opposed the administration the leverage to jump in and begin fixing all the problems it has created in the past six years. Once the ruling party had to admit "we have lost" power in the House and Senate, things began to change. Already the House has passed legislation raising the federal minimum wage for the first time in a decade. It's not enough in some minds, but at least it's something. By the same token, a "we have lost" regarding the war will remove obstacles that have prevented progress in other areas: perhaps everything from solving problems in Iraq and Iran and Syria and North Korea to stopping the genocide in Darfur and the spread of nuclear weapons and the proliferation of genetically-modified food crops and a cure for AIDS.
"We have lost" does not mean the 3017 (or more, by the time I finish writing this) American servicepeople who have died in this debacle will have died in vain. The value of their sacrifice must now be measured in what we. whether we are Americans or not, learn from the mistakes made. "Experience is what you get when you don't get what you want," is a favorite old saying of mine. We can't bring back Casey Sheehan or Lori Piestewa or any of the others; what we can do is see to it that no more of their comrades in arms are sacrificed. The only way to do that is to admit "We have lost" and we need to get out of there.
"We have lost" allows the U.S. -- and even the current administration -- to take some dignity away with them that an utter defeat or forced retreat would not. In a way, "We have lost" followed by swift withdrawal is not much different from the strategy used during the Vietnam debacle of declaring victory and then leaving. It's not likely that the American people, having watched the debate over the Iraq war unfold over a much shorter and more intense period of time, will be fooled by a declaration of victory. As biased as the media may be in favor of the administration, they are not likely to paint a precipitous withdrawal from Iraq as any kind of victory.
"We have lost" is the only way to effect any kind of productive new direction for the United States as a global military power. To be sure, dropping a few nuclear weapons on Iraq -- or Iran or Syria, for that matter -- might result in a "victory" for the administration. But it would so horribly alter the reputation and even the self-image of this country that it would not be "productive." "We have lost" would, however, prevent the kind of open-ended military spending that effectively bankrupted the Soviet Union -- another lesson of recent history the current administration failed to learn.
"We have lost" is not a good way to end the current (mis)adventure, but it is a way. And maybe it is the first step in a twelve-step program to healing not only this emotionally war-torn nation, but the physically war-torn in Iraq and Afghanistan and Somalia and Bolivia and Sri Lanka and Chechnya. . . . . .
Tansy Gold
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