First I want to say that I very much appreciate Professor Dill’s recent
article, and I very much hope that it gets widespread exposure, despite my disagreement with part of what he has to say. I couldn’t agree more with his central point, which is:
"Why should we trust the results of elections?" It's not good enough that election results be accurate. We have to know they are accurate—and we don't.
That is indeed an extremely important point to make about the need for election reform in our country today.
However, though I agree that this is a very important point, it is not the ONLY point with regard to the argument for election reform. In particular, I must disagree with his second paragraph, which disparages the efforts to investigate and expose what happened in previous elections, especially the 2004 Presidential election. Dill states:
Theories of widespread election fraud are highly debatable, to say the least. Some people enjoy that debate. I do not. It encourages a sense of hopelessness and consumes energy that could instead be focused on long-term changes that could give us elections we can trust.
Here is why I disagree with that notion:
Why I believe it is important to investigate and expose election fraudDill says “Some people enjoy this debate. I do not”. Well, the issue is not how much we do or do not enjoy the debate, but whether we ought to be having it. Here are some important reasons why I believe that election fraud needs to be investigated and debated:
1) Most people are apathetic about
potential problems, no matter how important they might be. Tell people that there is a problem with our election system and too many of them will think, “Well, if the problem is so bad why haven’t we seen a major election stolen?” Therefore, in order to generate the maximum political support for election reform it is very important that, to the extent we can, we provide the evidence not only that election fraud is a
potential problem, but that it is an
actual problem (i.e., it has already occurred). We need all the grass roots support that we can get on this issue, and actual problems attract more support than potential problems.
2) It is important that we investigate suspicious elections so that we understand HOW fraud is perpetrated. Professor Dill’s recommendations, if implemented, will go a long way towards ensuring fairer elections in the future. But he has not necessarily covered all the bases. For example, investigation of the 2004 Presidential election has revealed that
voter registration fraud probably had a major effect on the Kerry/Edwards “loss” in Ohio, and may very well have been
the most important factor. I don’t believe that Professor Dill’s recommendations would address that issue.
3) Election fraud is a serious crime. Do we say of other crimes, “Well, that’s water under the bridge. Let’s just forget about investigating those who committed the crime, and just pass laws that will prevent those crimes from occurring in the future”? Should we say, for example, of the outing of a CIA agent for apparent political purposes, or the warrantless spying on American citizens, or of the abnegations of the Geneva Convention regarding the humane treatment of prisoners, “Let’s forget about investigating those things, we’ll just pass laws so that they won’t happen again”? I don’t think that any of us would suggest that. Why treat election fraud differently?
Dill Says “Theories of widespread election fraud are highly debatable, to say the least.”I don’t agree with that. Reading the
John Conyers Report on the Ohio election, or
Clint Curtis’ testimony (regarding the request to him to write vote-switching computer programs) before Conyers’ committee, or the
indictments of two Cuyahoga County election workers for misconduct during the Ohio recount, for example, provides plenty of grounds for suspicion that the 2004 election in Ohio (which decided the Presidency) was awarded to the wrong candidate.
And anyhow, that’s besides the point in some sense. Why should the fact that widespread election fraud is “debatable”, as Dill says, mean that it shouldn’t be investigated and debated?
Dill says that the debate “encourages a sense of hopelessness” I disagree with that too, and I have never seen evidence of that – but that’s not the point. What about other areas of government malfeasance – for example leading our country into war by lying to the American people and to Congress. Does exposing and debating that issue result in a sense of hopelessness? I doubt that anyone could say with much confidence how many people are caused to feel hopeless as a result of such a debate. But should we let the possibility that some people may feel hopeless as a result of hearing these things cause us not to expose and investigate such issues? I don’t think so. With that kind of reasoning we should also excise from our history books such things as slavery and the Watergate scandal (or we should have never investigated and exposed that scandal to begin with).
Dill says that the debate “consumes energy that could instead be focused on long-term changes that could give us elections we can trust”That’s almost like saying that we shouldn’t devote time to environmental protection because stopping the war in Iraq is more important, and spending time on the former diverts energy from the latter. They are both important issues, and with nearly 300 million people living in this country, we have enough energy between us to address more than one issue at a time.
SummaryProfessor Dill’s article provides several recommendations for election reform which, if implemented, will go a long way towards ensuring fairer elections in our country. It should be widely distributed.
However, I believe that his disparaging of efforts to expose and debate election fraud that has already occurred is wrong – for several reasons.