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What is necessary in this matter is to get people thinking and moving in the right direction; whether they are doing so for the correct reason, from a political sophisticate's point of view, is not so important. To give an illustration from the Viet Nam period, it should be remembered that the collapse of political support for the war that led to U.S. disengagement was not a wholly left phenomenon. There arose a good deal of opposition to the venture on the right as well, by the end, but it followed a very different line. The opposition on the right held that if we were not going to fight to win, there was no point to the thing, and it was just a waste of lives and effort and a disgrace overall. But people who held that view were, effectively, allies of the anti-war movement, though they doubtless detested demonstrators and thought them Communist dupes at best. Still, they made an effective contribution to forcing the end of the thing; indeed, it might not have ended without them.
Probably our most widely shared priority here in this forum is the end of the war in Iraq. What we do not seem to agree on, within this wider agreement, is how that is to be done, and what line is best suited to solidify popular support for ending the thing. That the war is an exercise in criminality conducted with an abhorrent degree of atrocity is an accurate statement of fact, but that is a matter of minor importance in assessing whether or not it is a political line useful for appeal to the mass of the people in the matter. In my judgement it most emphatically is not, because it is certain to offend and drive away a great many people, and among those enraged by it would be a great many people who, if asked today by a pollster for their opinion, would say that they do not support the war and want it ended. What is necessary is to conceive a line that will have the widest possible appeal, and get the greatest possible number of people on board with the idea of ending the matter quickly, which is certainly the correct action. Such a line must be tailored to the sensibilities of the audience to be reached, not to the sensibilities of those pressing the line.
An important element of such a line must be an appeal to the native interests and patriotism of the mass of the people. This must concentrate on the harm being done to the country, and to them, by the current policy. The expenditure of treasure and lives, treasure that could benefit folks at home, and lives that as American lives are worth more than any number of foreigners, and that these expenditures that bring no benefit to the people are being made without the slightest chance of achieving anything worthwhile, provides the basis for the most popular possible line to press. Does this line appeal to a variety of base motives many here, myself included, will find offensive in parts? Yes. It appeals to selfishness, and it appeals to undercurrents of cultural and even racial prejudice. It is precisely these things that give the line its potential force, for though these are bad things, they are real and predominant things that actually shape and move the actions of most people. The point of the exercise is not to foster moral improvement among the mass of the people, it is to move them to agree, and agree passionately and with a vocabulary of demand, with the right course of action, and that as quickly as can be contrived.
In support of this over-all line, it is most adviseable to lay great stress on the incompetence with which the exercise is being conducted. People who denounce a political figure as simply saying he or she could fight the war better when one raises this matter are missing the point entirely. It is the incompetence with which the thing is conducted that gives great edge to the line set out above; it is the incompetence that guarantees the sacrifice of treasure and lives will bring no good result, no conceivable benefit to the people. Further, people do not like incompetence and incompetents, and do not want to associate themselves with that, at any remove. They view incompetence in leaders as a tremendous and harmful failing, and if convinced a leader is incapable of doing things right, will withdraw support in a hurry. Incompetent leaders harm the country: everyone knows this.
Any pressing of the line of criminality and atrocity must be done carefully, and always in a way that appeals to the people's tremendous affection for their country. Saying, for example, that torture of prisoners is what the U.S. always does, and simply demonstrates again the evil nature of the United States, is a horribly counter-productive thing. Again, it does not matter that a fair enough case could be made for the truth of the proposition, because it is certain to enrage a great proportion of the people who hear it, because they will hear it, owing to their identification with the country, as an accusation they are themselves evil criminals. The line that will gain the greatest and widest support is one that appeals to the people's affection for and pride in their country. Denouncing such acts as profoundly un-American, as not what this great country is about, not the way we do things here, is the line on this matter that could have the greatest appeal. It makes opposition to these things an expression of idealist patriotism, perhaps the most potent political force in existance, and it isolates those who do and support such things as foreign to the spirit of the country. That is what most people want to believe, and what we want is for the greatest possible number of people to be moved to despise the torturers and the leaders that promote torture, and be eager to take political action against them at the ballot box.
In the context of these lines of attack, the issue of the lies that put the country into this venture is extremely potent, and can be blended not only with the incompetent and un-American conduct of the damnably futile and destructive thing, but with the issue of money corruption and profiteering, something working people in particular deeply abhor and despise. People do not like being lied to, and to be decieved into dangerous folly enrages people. To have been decieved into dangerous folly so someone could line his pockets at their expense can put people into a damned dangerous temper. To state that "These pissants lied to us and sent our soldiers out to create the Islamic Republic of Iraq just so they could line their damn pockets with our tax dollars!" may not be a textbook expression of left progressivism, but it is quite likely to resonate with a tremendous number of people, and move them towards the actions we desire them to take.
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