... mishandled classified information or did something else wrong when he made these disclosures - even if the government does not argue that Mr. Libby's actions were unauthorized or illegal.
The defense has the right to argue at trial that Mr. Libby's actions with respect to the NIE were authorized at the highest levels of the Executive Branch, and would be entitled to bolster such arguments with documents and testimony.<clip>
But efforts of Mr. Libby and other officials in the OVP to deflate criticism of the Administration cannot be neatly separated from the actions of officials from other agencies - particularly the CIA, the White House, and the State Department. For example, Mr. Libby worked with the CIA and the NSC to determine how to respond to the controversy over the sixteen words. The indictment itself refers to Mr. Libby's alleged concerns about how the CIA was responding to the controversy.
The indictment also describes actions by officials at the White House, including senior advisor Karl Rove and former press secretary Ari Fleischer, who both spoke to reporters about Mr. Wilson.
Now, with the government's injection of the NIE story into this case,
the government has placed even more emphatically at issue the actions of the White House - including President Bush - in responding to media criticism about the 16 words.<clip>
Link (graciously hosted at the
Talk Left webserver):
http://talkleft.com/libbyresp412.pdfLet's reminisce a bit about Paula Jones. As I posted in October, 2005:
I suspect Team Libby is aware of the ruling and their client has every reason to call his bosses to the stand.
Beyond that, my sense of the inertia of item # 9 on page 5 of the Libby indictment is ever more the overwhelming force of Fitzgerald's investigation. I suspect that force is intended to ensure that not just Libby, but Cheney, (and perhaps others) roll on Bush.
In this context, I also think it worthwhile for everyone to consider, once again, the thoughtful and well referenced analysis by Richard M Mathews entitled
Indicting a Sitting President:
Precedent exists to indict a Vice President.Vice President Aaron Burr was subject to indictments in two states while still in office. Burr stayed out of those two states to avoid prosecution.
In the case of Spiro Agnew, Solicitor General Robert Bork filed a brief arguing that, consistent with the Constitution, the Vice President could be subject to indictment and criminal prosecution. While still Vice President, Agnew plea bargained a deal in which he plead "no contest" to tax evasion. He resigned the same day he entered his plea.
For a President, there is no clear precedent one way or another. The closest is the case of Nixon. The Grand Jury reportedly wanted to indict Nixon. Prosecutor Jaworski convinced them to avoid the issue of whether the President may be indicted by naming him as an un-indicted co-conspirator. This was sufficient to get a subpoena for Nixon's records including the tapes. Nixon argued that the subpoena was invalid because he was not subject to indictment.
The Supreme Court sidestepped the indictment issue by ruling that they did not need to answer that question in order to reach their conclusion that the subpoena was valid. United States v. Nixon, 418 U.S. 683, 687 n. 2 (1974).
There is not a single word in the Constitution that supports a claim that the President cannot be indicted. On the contrary, the Constitution merely says this about impeachment:
Article I, Section 3, Clause 7:
Judgment in Cases of Impeachment shall not extend further than to removal from Office, and disqualification to hold and enjoy any Office of honor, Trust or Profit under the United States: but the Party convicted shall nevertheless be liable and subject to Indictment, Trial, Judgment and Punishment, according to Law.
Article II, Section 4:
The President, Vice President and all Civil Officers of the United States, shall be removed from Office on Impeachment for and Conviction of, Treason, Bribery, or other high Crimes and Misdemeanors.
Note that in the above sections the Constitution treats impeachment of the President exactly the same as impeachment of any other Officer. The only place where the Constitution treats the President differently with respect to impeachment is in that the Chief Justice sits as the presiding officer in the Senate trial of a President:
Article I, Section 3, Clause 6:
The Senate shall have the sole Power to try all Impeachments. When sitting for that Purpose, they shall be on Oath or Affirmation. When the President of the United States is tried the Chief Justice shall preside: And no Person shall be convicted without the Concurrence of two thirds of the Members present.
Since the Constitution treats the President identically to all other Officers ....
Much more at the link:
http://www.afterdowningstreet.org/?q=node/3820 And, with comments at dKos:
http://www.dailykos.com/story/2005/10/18/22350/485And, with comments to my DU post of December 17, 2005:
http://www.democraticunderground.com/discuss/duboard.php?az=show_mesg&forum=104&topic_id=5621982&mesg_id=5623016 Well beyond compelling testimony from both Bush and Cheney, Team Libby may inadvertently or intentionally strengthening a case for indictment of both Cheney and Bush, and, ironically using Libby's neoconster-supplied defense funds to do just that.
George W. Bush willfully violated National Security to cover-up his willful launch of a war of aggression and illegal occupation of Iraq.