A few points.
1) The survey cited in the linked HuffPo article in no way paints the notion that wages may go up as a result of the tax is "discredited". Go see the survey conducted by Towers Perrin here:
http://www.towersperrin.com/tp/getwebcachedoc?webc=USA/2009/200909/HCR_Pulse-Survey_Sept-09_Final.pdfThe respondents say they don't plan on sharing any cost savings with employees. This is not surprising. Management never plans on sharing savings with employees on any costs they incur, but these plans typically don't survive contract negotiations.
The purpose of the tax is not so much to generate revenue, but to reduce the incentive to funnel money into benefits. Management has an incentive to do this because any wage increase they provide will be subject to payroll taxes, while benefits are not (they actually get a deduction, but it's mostly revenue neutral). The tax is not a general levy on all benefits, but a marginal rate beneath which benefits remain untaxed, and as such is intended to provide a cap above which putting further money into benefits becomes cost prohibitive. Whether or not those savings are passed onto employees is not subject to management fiat.
2) The tax is not on employees who have plans that go above the threshold. Iterations of the tax have called for it to be paid by either the employer negotiating the benefits package with the insurance company, or the insurance company itself. Those that are now campaigning against the tax as one that burdens employees, as far as I have seen, never mention this. Nor does anyone seem to mention that there are exemptions on plans that are justifiably more expensive, such as those procured by firefighters that Courtney so amiably seeks to defend. And the polls the article cites in order to scare Democrats about a potential voter revolt do not mention this as part of their questioning. To say that it amounts to a middle-class tax increase, or that employees will be in revolt over it after not giving those surveyed the full details on the proposal, is obscenely disingenuous.
There are two possible outcomes of the tax that depend on whom it's levied. If it's on the insurance companies, which the administration and a number of Senators support, then they will simply not offer such plans in the future. Or, if its on employers, they will no longer have an incentive to purchase these plans. Which is a bad outcome so long as you assume that HCR won't reduce costs in general.
3) The CWA study that opponents of the tax cite to arrive at the "One third of all health plans will be taxed by 2019" is flawed, and perhaps purposely so. This isn't mentioned in the article, but is common enough that it should be addressed.
The study assumes that medical inflation will continue on its current pace, gathering figures from the CMMS that do not incorporate ANY cost reduction provisions in either the House or the Senate bill (the majority of the provisions in both bills being largely identical). The study assumes that HCR will not bring medical inflation into parity with general inflation, in which case HCR will be a dismal failure whether it includes an excise tax or not, or they are deliberately omitting this from the study.