There’s only one group who seems to want an actual trial for high-level Bush Administration officials less than the defendants who face indictment – those who succeeded them at the levers of power in Washington. America in its 242 year history has never criminally prosecuted a former President, Vice President or Cabinet officer for official acts.
But, now may be the time to set precedent.
Never in the history of this Republic has the U.S. suffered such a decline of fortune in such a short period of time as it has in the period between the Inauguration of George W. Bush and Richard Cheney in January 20, 2001 and their departure from Washington five weeks ago.
Never before has there been so much clear and compelling evidence of felony commissions by former Administration, on such a vast scale and variety of crimes – including their own admissions on the record -- as we already hold in our hands for Bush-Cheney. Never before has there been so much manifest dereliction (and worse) at the highest levels of American government. They are the worst America has had, by far, so far.
But, if there is an official refusal to apply the law to prosecute crimes committed beyond a shadow of doubt, then what is left? How does society otherwise set up sufficiently powerful deterrents to those who would do similar – and worse – in the future?
The source and answer to this dilemma is in history, as we see below . . .
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War crimes by Americans are nothing new – as anyone who’s familiar with the history of the 20th Century wars in Vietnam, Korea, and even World War Two is well-aware. What is new is that is that public is today more broadly aware of the fact, in large part because of pushback and disclosures from within the military and intelligence services, some at the highest levels. The source of the Abu Ghraib photos, for instance, was Army Military Intelligence.
What is already clear today is the fact that command authorization for the crimes were authorized at the highest level of the Administration. We know because the Pentagon and CIA realized immediately that what the Bush-Cheney was ordering them to do was illegal. Everyone involved created CYA files, and "documented" to save themselves from the charges they knew would surely come.
That's why we know who gave the orders, and what was written and said that led to the crimes of the Global War on Terrorism. The key memos signed in the White House to order and compel war crimes, including torture and commission of a war of aggression in Iraq, are already in the public domain. And, have been for years.
Many of these documents came out of Inspector General investigations prompted by the Intelligence Community and authorized by top Generals after it was realized that the pretext for March 2003 invasion of Iraq was an unmitigated fraud. Then, there was the Plame outing, and the resulting Libby Trial. There have already been several Truth Commission held in Washington.
As Professor Turley has pointed out, and most legal authorities acknowledge, the case that could be mounted in defense of Bush-Cheney is extremely weak and technical. The fact that Bush, Cheney, Rumsfeld, and their aides broke the law on many occasions is plainly on the record and available to anyone who has Internet access and takes the time to research the subject. There are so many criminal charges that could be brought against former White House officials that a jury is almost certain to convict, right up to the top. Even if Bush or Cheney were to later prevail on appeal, it would not absolve them in the public eye if they were forced to answer for their acts in open court.
Clear and compelling evidence of serious crimes are already on record. There are the statements of Bush, Cheney, Rumsfeld, Tenet and other inner-circle admitting to authorization of programs that were clearly illegal. CYA legal memos written by Yoo and other lackeys are no real defense. No reasonable person could rely on them. Crimes against the laws of war and of the United States are clear, and those responsible knew they were breaking the law. There is no need for a Congressional Truth Commission to bring out further evidence. There is already more than enough particulars known to fill out indictments.
The only thing that stands between the Bush White House and a DC Grand Jury, and federal prison, is a lack of political will by its successors to convene a Grand Jury. Tradition. Tradition.
There’s another historical tradition, one that is something of a taboo to discuss in this country. In the past, powerful men have transgressed too far, and often conventional means of removal or redress didn’t exist, weren’t practical at the time, or could be safely ignored. There are numerous cases of sudden Kremlin “health emergencies”, mid-air “mechanical failures” over the Hindu Kush, and shadows of concealed gunmen. Of course, these things don’t happen in America. Such things happen in pre and post-democratic countries.
Truth and Reconciliation Commissions are also the stuff of pre and post-democratic countries: South Africa, Chile, Argentina, Peru, Liberia, Sierra Leone have all had them. America hasn’t had a TARC, although we’ve had a number of "blue ribbon" commissions in recent decades. Until now, we didn’t call them that. Whether Post-Watergate, Iran-Contra, or 9/11, these hearings have two things in common. Nobody of any real consequence went to jail as a result, and they haven’t worked very well to deter recurrences.
Thus far, when the system has failed to indict and try those who commit crimes of state, that’s a sign of worse to come.
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