The Republican Party (along with some corporate-controlled Democrats) gives us every excuse in the book for opposing meaningful health care reform. But beneath all the meaningless babbling rhetoric lies a very simple truth: The passage of meaningful health care reform could spell the end of the Republican Party.
To understand why this is true we need to consider the over-riding message of today’s Republican Party, which was summed up on January 20, 1981, in a simple phrase by Ronald Reagan in his
first inaugural address, when he said “Government is not the solution to our problem”. With that simple minded idea, and the selling of it to the American people, President Reagan began the overturning of almost five decades of understanding between the American people and their government – an understanding in the form of a social compact, to the effect that the primary purpose of our government is to help us to solve our most pressing problems.
Creation of the social compact between the American people and their governmentWhen President Roosevelt took office in January 1933, we were in the initial phase of the
worst depression in our history. FDR commenced immediately to take active steps to bring us out of that depression, which were collectively known as the “
New Deal”.
Some of the most concrete results of FDR’s efforts were the
Social Security Act of 1935, the
creation of several agencies that produced greatly needed jobs,
labor protection laws that created the right for workers to organize into unions and a federal minimum wage, antitrust policies, the
GI bill of rights, and to help pay for some of those programs,
record tax rates on wealthy corporations and individuals. But perhaps just as important as these concrete accomplishments was the creation of a social compact between the American people and their government known as the “Second Bill of Rights”
FDR first began speaking about our country’s need for economic and social rights to compliment the political rights granted to us in our original Bill of Rights during his first campaign for President, in 1932. Though his whole twelve year Presidency and four presidential campaigns centered largely on advocating for and implementing those rights, it wasn’t until his January 11th, 1944, State of the Union address to Congress that he fully enumerated his conception of those rights in what he referred to as a Second Bill of Rights. The elements of that conception fall into two major categories – opportunity and security. Here is a partial introduction to FDR’s Second Bill of Rights, discussed in his
1944 State of the Union address:
We have come to a clear realization of the fact that true individual freedom cannot exist without economic security and independence. Necessitous men are not free men. People who are hungry and out of a job are the stuff of which dictatorships are made.
In our day these economic truths have become accepted as self-evident. We have accepted, so to speak, a second Bill of Rights under which a new basis of security and prosperity can be established for all – regardless of station, race, or creed.
FDR then went on to enumerate those rights, which included the right to a good job, a good education, freedom from unfair competition (i.e. corporate monopolies), protection from the economic fears of old age, sickness, accidents, and unemployment, adequate medical care, decent housing, and adequate food, clothing and recreation.
The economic and social results of FDR’s social compact and accompanying actionsResults followed quickly. The steep slide in GDP was arrested in 1933, and began a steady rise in 1934, so that by 1940 it had nearly reached pre-Crash levels:
Unemployment rate closely paralleled GDP during this time period – inversely. Unemployment rate stood at nearly 25% when FDR took office. It declined steadily during his presidency, so that by 1939 it was below 18% – not good, but quite an improvement.
Job creation during FDR’s first presidential term was 5.3% annually, the largest rate of job creation during any presidential term from the beginning of the Hoover presidency in 1929 to the end of George W. Bush’s presidency in 2009:
The New Deal didn’t just fade away after FDR’s death. Instead, due to its stunning success, most of its components lasted for decades. Largely as a result of this, we experienced for the next three decades what Nobel Prize-winning economist Paul Krugman calls “
the greatest sustained economic boom in U.S. history”.
As a result of the labor protection laws enacted during FDR’s presidency, the percent of non-agricultural U.S. workers who were members of labor unions rose from 10% to close to 30% during his presidency and
remained at that level for many decades, until the
anti-labor policies of the Reagan administration resulted in a precipitous decline in union membership. The labor protection laws and other New Deal innovations, such as Social Security and unemployment insurance, were instrumental in alleviating poverty in our country and producing a vibrant middle class.
Median family income is one of the best indicators of the economic health of a people.
This chart shows median family income levels, beginning in 1947, when accurate statistics on this issue first became available. Family income rose steadily (in 2005 dollars) from $22,499 in 1947 to more than double that, $47,173 in 1980.
The political effects of FDR’s social compact and actionsToday’s Republican Party doesn’t talk about the economic and social results of the New Deal – except to lie about it. Nor do they care about the several decades of benefits it brought to the American people. But they certainly care about the political results. Let’s look at how the successes of the New Deal translated into several decades of political dominance of the Democratic Party.
The presidencyFDR was re-elected three consecutive times (four times total), and his Vice President, Harry Truman, was elected president in 1948, thus capping off 20 consecutive years of the U.S. presidency under Democratic control. It took a major
war hero (who many believe was more responsible than any one person for our victory in World War II), Dwight Eisenhower, to finally wrest control of the presidency from the Democrats.
In conducting his presidential campaigns in 1952 and 1956, Eisenhower had to keep in mind that The American people who lived during the Great Depression, the New Deal, and the “greatest sustained economic boom in U.S. history” knew what the New Deal did for them. He made this perfectly clear in a letter that he
wrote to his brother on the subject:
Should any political party attempt to abolish social security, unemployment insurance, and eliminate labor laws and farm programs, you would not hear of that party again in our political history. There is a tiny splinter group, of course, that believes you can do these things. Among them are…. a few Texas oil millionaires… Their number is negligible and they are stupid.
Eisenhower’s presidency was followed by eight years of the Kennedy-Johnson presidencies (1961-69), in which valiant efforts were made to extend FDR’s social compact to minorities. President Kennedy brought the case to the American people in a speech just four months prior to his assassination in November 1963. Here is
an excerpt:
The Negro baby born in America today, regardless of the section of the nation in which he is born, has about one-half as much chance of completing high school as a white baby born in the same place on the same day; one third as much chance of completing college; one third as much chance of becoming a professional man; twice as much chance of becoming unemployed; one-seventh as much chance of earning $10,000 a year; a life expectancy which is seven years shorter; and the prospects of earning only half as much.
Kennedy’s efforts to pursue this social legislation were cut short by his untimely death. Lyndon Johnson then became President in November 1963 and continued to vigorously pursue the Kennedy-Johnson social agenda. Landmark social and civil rights legislation passed during the Kennedy-Johnson years included the
Civil Rights Act of 1964, the
Voting Rights Act of 1965, the
Social Security Amendments of 1965 which created Medicare and Medicaid (which many Republicans referred to as “socialized medicine” at the time), the
Elementary and Secondary Education Act of 1965, the
Economic Opportunity Act of 1964,
Project Head Start, and much other legislation as part of President Johnson’s
War on Poverty.
These efforts were well under-way when Johnson won a landslide victory in the
presidential election of 1964, defeating Barry Goldwater by a national popular vote margin of more than 22% and winning every state except for Goldwater’s home state of Arizona and five states in the Deep South, which were upset about Johnson’s civil rights legislation. It took the Vietnam quagmire to put an end to Democratic predominance in presidential elections, in 1968.
CongressIn discussing Democratic predominance in Congress I’ll focus on the House of Representatives, since changes in the Senate are slower to occur due to the fact that U.S. Senators serve 6-year terms. Nevertheless, changes in the Senate generally parallel changes in the House.
The GOP held the House and Senate, mostly by wide margins, from 1919 to 1931. Their margin in the House stood at
267-
163 when Herbert Hoover won the presidential election of 1928. The
Stock Market Crash of 1929 put an end to GOP Congressional dominance, as they held on to miniscule leads in the Senate and House (
218-
216) in the midterm election of 1930. With a deepening depression and FDR’s landslide election victory in 1932, the Democrats firmly took over control of both the Senate and House (
313-
117).
With the onset of the New Deal and the brightening financial situation, Democrats then maintained control of both the Senate and the House during the remainder of FDR’s long presidential reign, mainly by huge margins.
House margins during that time were as follows:
1934:
222-
1031936:
339-
891938:
322-
1031940:
262-
1691942:
222-
2091944:
243-
190Over the next 50 years, from 1945 to 1995, the Democrats maintained control of the House in 22 of the 24 ensuing elections, by 70-seat or greater margins in 15 of those elections. The only two elections in which they failed to maintain control of the House took place in 1946 (when President
Truman’s approval rating was a woeful 27%, and 1952, when Eisenhower won his first presidential election with a platform that included full support for continuation of the New Deal. The Democrats maintained control of the Senate in 19 of those 24 elections (They lost control of the Senate in the two elections in which they lost control of the House, plus three elections during the 1980s.)
The Reagan Revolution – Dismantling the New Deal By 1980 the number of Americans who were old enough to remember how FDR’s social compact rescued our country from the Great Depression and set it on course for “the greatest sustained economic boom in U.S. history” was rapidly dwindling.
So it is that Ronald Reagan won the Presidential election of 1980 with his claim that “government is not the solution to our problem” and
his promise to “get government off the backs of the American people”.
Following several decades of phenomenal economic growth, median income came to a virtual standstill in the 1980s. For the next 25 years, except for some moderate growth during the Clinton years, there was almost no growth in median income at all, which rose only from $47,173 in 1980 to $56,194 by 2005 (85% of that growth was accounted for during the Clinton years).
William Kleinknecht writes about the Reagan Presidency and legacy in his book, “
The Man Who Sold the World – Ronald Reagan and the Betrayal of Main Street America”. From the book jacket:
The myth of Ronald Reagan’s greatness has reached epic proportions in recent years. The public rates him as one of the most popular presidents, and Republicans everywhere seek to cast themselves in his image. But award winning journalist William Kleinknecht shows in this penetrating analysis of his presidency that the Reagan legacy has been devastating for the country – especially for the ordinary Americans he claimed to represent.
So how did one of the worst presidents in our history come to be seen in such a glamorous light? Some call Reagan the “teflon president” because none of his many scandals would “stick” to him in the public mind. But there was a very good reason for that. Kleinknecht explains in his introduction:
It cannot be disputed that there are legions of Reagan critics across the country. But why are they never seen on television or quoted in the media? Why is this dissenting view of Reagan’s “heroism” never in the public eye? … When it comes to media assessments of Ronald Reagan’s presidency, the usual standards seem not to apply.
Let’s just say that our corporate controlled media wish to maintain his image. Kleinknecht sums up Reagan’s philosophy of government with respect to the New Deal:
Reagan stood against everything that had been achieved in this remarkable age of reform. His constant attacks on the inefficiency of government, a rallying cry taken up by legions of conservative politicians across the country, became a self-fulfilling prophecy. The more money that was taken away from government programs, the more ineffective they became, and the more ineffective they became, the more ridiculous government bureaucrats came to be seen in the public eye. Gradually government, and the broader realm of public service, has come to seem disreputable… Politicians, imbued with the same exaltation of self-interest that is the essence of Reaganism, increasingly treat public office as a vehicle for their own enrichment.
To the present – Why the GOP will fight meaningful health care reform to the bitter endDemocrats finally began to reassert their political dominance in the national elections of 2006 and 2008, as the American public tired of more than two decades of Republican misrule. With
less than 30% of Americans considering themselves Republicans it looked like the Republican Party could be on the verge of extinction.
As our country now stands mired in its worst depression since the Great Depression of the 1930s, one thing seems certain: If the Obama presidency, in conjunction with a heavily Democratic Congress, duplicates the brilliant successes of the FDR presidency, the political prospects of the Republican Party are bound to be dismal for many decades to come – just as they were for several decades following FDR’s presidency.
Health care now stands in the limelight. It is absolutely symbolic of the great divide between FDR Democrats and the do-nothing Republican Party of Ronald Reagan. A successful health care bill, following years of vitriolic Republican attacks, will show the Republican Party for the dismal failure that it is. It will show the no-nothing philosophy of Reagan Republicans to be the fraud that it is and always has been. In short, it will be impossible to maintain the myth that the American people are better off with a government that believes it has nothing to offer them except moral platitudes, military spending, and war. The Republican Party with their empty platitudes and promises will be shown for what they are. They will be politically dead.
Paul Krugman, in his book, “
The Conscience of a Liberal”, sums up the current health care situation as well as anyone:
The principal reason to reform American health care is simply that it would improve the quality of life for most Americans…
There is, however, another important reason for health care reform. It’s the same reasons movement conservatives were so anxious to kill Clinton’s plan. That plan’s success, said William Kristol, “would signal the rebirth of centralized welfare-state policy” – by which he really meant that universal health care would give new life to the New Deal idea that society should help its less fortunate members. Indeed it would – and that’s a big argument in its favor…
Getting universal care should be the key domestic priority for modern liberals. Once they succeed there, they can turn to the broader, more difficult task of reining in American inequality.
But unfortunately, the current outlook for health care reform in our country is in deep trouble. It may or may not pass. And if it does pass it may be so watered down that it provides few benefits for the American people.
The Republican Party cannot afford to let health care reform succeed. Democrats who care about their Party, their country, and the American people cannot allow it to fail.