Living in shock and infamy, years laterBy James Carroll
December 7, 2009
WHEN THE waves of Japanese dive bombers flew in on Pearl Harbor on Dec. 7, 1941, the good news was that the US Navy had previously sent its Pacific fleet aircraft carriers out to sea. Otherwise, they would have been sunk or damaged at their moorings as the fleet’s battleships were. It was those surviving carriers that turned the tables on Japan little more than a half-year later at the Battle of Midway.
The Japanese preemption marked what Franklin Roosevelt called “a day which will live in infamy,’’ and in the American memory its character as a sneak attack has signified the height of political immorality. (“Now I know what Tojo felt like,’’ Robert Kennedy remarked as he contemplated an attack on Cuba, “when he was planning Pearl Harbor.’’)
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Pearl Harbor was revived as a milestone in the American imagination on Sept. 11, 2001. Indeed, 9/11 replaced Pearl Harbor as the motivating trauma of American power, but once again the shock was mostly to our sense of national superiority. The anger sparked by the Japanese assault was in direct proportion to the fear it instilled, but in the conventional war that followed there were multiple channels into which that fear could run. Bloody as the battles were, the enemy was readily identified, and definitions of victory and defeat were clear.
Not so after 9/11. Instead of battleships and aircraft carriers, the real danger comes from variations on box cutters and explosive charges hidden in shoes. The revelation is that such small bore threat can frighten a nation as much as an armada. After Pearl Harbor, the scale and meaning of mobilization was crystal clear. After 9/11, with our futile, misdirected, ongoing wars of vengeance, which lay nary a glove on Al Qaeda, the mobilization has mainly been against ourselves.
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