Who is the CBPP?
The Center on Budget and Policy Priorities is a progressive think-tank organization that focuses on how policy affects the poor and middle class. They are considered one of the best research firms by Congress and have been cited by many liberal blogs including Daily Kos, DU, Common Dreams and their research results regarding policy impact are accepted by all, including the CBO and the GAO. They are funded primarily by progressive organizations.
Their purpose (as stated): "The Center on Budget and Policy Priorities is one of the nation’s premier policy organizations working at the federal and state levels on fiscal policy and public programs that affect low- and moderate-income families and individuals"
Perhaps this is why every single progressive in the Senate voted for the bill? The article goes into why the tax plan is misunderstood by many (i.e. misinformation spread about the plan), and that this plan to finance HCR is actually better than the plan from the House.
From the CBPP:
http://www.cbpp.org/cms/index.cfm?fa=view&id=2957Excise Tax on Very High-Cost Health Plans Is a Sound Element of Health ReformAn excise tax on very high-cost health plans, which the Senate Finance Committee included in its health reform bill, represents a sound way to help pay for health reform. The excise tax finances nearly a quarter of the costs of the Finance Committee bill over the first ten years ($201 billion out of $829 billion) and makes a major contribution to the deficit reduction that the bill would achieve in later decades. It would help to slow the rate of health care cost growth, without which health care reform is not likely to be sustainable over time.
Of particular note, the excise tax produces savings that rise over time at least as fast as the costs of providing health insurance to those now uninsured. Without such a tax, Congress will be hard-pressed to comply with the President's pledge — and Senate rules — that the bill not increase the deficit in future decades.
The proposed tax has attracted a spate of criticism. Many of the charges and the numbers cited in these criticisms are based on an earlier version of the tax, rather than on what the Finance Committee adopted. The committee’s changes to the tax addressed various shortcomings with the earlier version; as a result, many fewer health plans would be affected.
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The Joint Tax Committee’s Analysis of the Excise Tax
The Joint Committee on Taxation (JCT) analysis of the Senate Finance Committee excise tax provision is causing some confusion. That analysis forms the basis for much of this paper. But an October 20 press release presents the analysis in a very different light, describing the JCT as finding that “the total number of individual and family plans impacted by the excise tax grows from 19% to 34% and 14% to 31% respectively between 2013 and 2019.” a These numbers overstate the tax’s impact. They also should be understood in the context of JCT’s overall analysis and findings.
The figures do not account for the higher tax thresholds for health plans that cover retirees, workers in high-risk occupations, or (on a transitional basis) workers in high-cost states. These JCT figures reflect only the base threshold amounts of $8,000 for coverage of single individuals and $21,000 for family coverage in 2013.
These figures count health insurance plans, rather than beneficiaries. The difference is significant because many of the plans that would be affected apparently are smaller plans with a below-average number of enrollees. JCT estimates that only 7.7 percent of tax filing units would be affected by the excise tax in 2013 and 17.6 percent in 2019. (A tax filing unit consists of an individual or married couple that would, if their income were above the filing thresholds, file an individual income tax return, along with their dependents.)
Furthermore, JCT reports that most of the affected health insurance plans would not actually pay the excise tax. Employers would modify their health plans to stay within the thresholds for the excise tax, and they would convert the resulting savings into higher wages or other fringe benefits for their employees. JCT estimates that over 80 percent of the revenue raised by the proposal would stem from income and payroll taxes on these higher wages.
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The Finance Committee significantly improved the original excise tax proposal during its consideration of the legislation. Its changes substantially reduced the number of plans and enrollees that the excise tax would affect.
Higher thresholds. Under the revised proposal, plans that cover retired people over the age of 55 and people in high-risk professions would have significantly higher thresholds. (High-risk professions include law enforcement, firefighting, rescue/ambulance squads, construction, mining, agriculture, forestry, and fishing.) For each person in one of these categories, the threshold would be increased by $1,850 — to $9,850 — for individual coverage, and by $5,000 — to $26,000 — for family coverage. The threshold for a plan would, in effect, be the average of the thresholds for each of its enrollees.
Increased inflation factor. Under the original proposal, the thresholds would have risen annually after 2013 with the rate of change in the consumer price index (CPI). Under the current proposal, the thresholds would rise with the CPI plus one percentage point. For example, if consumer prices rose 3 percent in a given year, the thresholds would rise by 4 percent. This change in indexing compounds over time and substantially reduces the number of taxpayers and health insurance plans affected by the excise tax in later years.
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Bending the Cost Curve
The proposed excise tax would make a major contribution to slowing the growth of health care costs by discouraging insurers from offering, and firms from purchasing, extremely generous health insurance coverage that can encourage excess health care utilization. That, in turn, would reduce incentives for excessive health care spending.
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An important feature of the excise tax is that, according to CBO, the revenues it raises will more than keep pace with the cost of health coverage expansions in future decades. Pay-as-you-go rules in the House and the Senate require that a bill be fully paid for over the next ten years. In addition, a bill is subject to a 60-vote point of order in the Senate if it adds more than $5 billion to the federal deficit in any of the following four decades.<3> Also, President Obama has pledged that health reform legislation will not increase the deficit at all in future decades. Without the excise tax or a comparable provision, health reform may well fail to meet these budgetary tests.
Most People and Plans Not Affected
The thresholds for the proposed excise tax are sufficiently high that most health insurance plans would not be affected.
In 2009, the average employer-sponsored health insurance plan is valued at $4,824 for a single individual and $13,375 for a family, far below the thresholds for the excise tax.<4>
The health insurance plan most commonly chosen by federal employees — including Members of Congress — costs $5,872 for individual coverage and $13,446 for a family.<5>
Under the Finance Committee’s plan, the threshold for taxation would be at least $21,000 for family coverage in 2013. A plan costing $21,000 in 2013 (the equivalent of about $17,550 in 2009) would be about a third more generous than the plan that most Members of Congress have. It also would be about a third more generous than the typical employer-sponsored health insurance plan.
The Congressional Joint Committee on Taxation (JCT) estimates that only 7.7 percent of tax filing units would be affected by the excise tax in 2013 and 17.6 percent by 2019. For those plans that would actually pay the excise tax, that tax would apply to only a portion of the plan’s value — the amount above the threshold.
Moreover, most of the affected plans and households would not actually pay the excise tax or higher premiums that reflected that tax. The JCT, as well as most economists and health analysts who have examined the proposal, concludes that health insurance plans and employers generally would respond by modifying their health plans to stay within the thresholds and avoid the excise tax; employers would convert the savings produced by modifying the health plans into higher wages or other compensation for employees. (Economic analysis finds that employees ultimately bear the employer share of health care premiums by receiving lower wages than they otherwise would. If an employer with a high-cost insurance plan scales back the plan to avoid the excise tax, the employer generally will move the savings to another form of employee compensation. If employers scaled back health plans to avoid the excise tax without passing the savings through in this manner, they would put themselves at a disadvantage with other employers in competing for workers.)
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Wages Will Rise, Not Premiums
Contrary to some reports, the excise tax is unlikely to generate much of an increase in health insurance premiums. Although insurers will try to pass along the cost of the excise tax to consumers by raising the price of health coverage, analysts generally expect that health insurance providers, employers, and consumers will modify their behavior to avoid paying the tax.
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JCT projects that only 20 percent of the revenues from the proposal in 2014 will come from the excise tax itself, with the remaining 80 percent coming from additional income and payroll taxes on the increased cash compensation that workers will receive. By 2019, fully 83 percent of the additional revenues will come from taxes on higher wages and salaries, not the excise tax.<11>
Based on the JCT figures, the excise tax will reduce spending on employer-sponsored insurance in 2019 by an estimated nearly $74 billion, or about 6 percent — an impressive amount that indicates the measure would be successful in helping to “bend the curve” — and lead to a commensurate increase of nearly $74 billion in wages and other fringe benefits.<12>
There is much more good information at the link that goes deeper and provides more data and evidence for these points. This post simply aims to show that research from a well establish and trusted progressive research firm does indeed show that the Senate tax plan has been unfairly treated by the media and by reaction from the blogosphere, helping to create a division on the left to make passing the health care reform bill nearly impossible.