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Adenoid_Hynkel Donating Member (1000+ posts) Send PM | Profile | Ignore Fri Jan-22-10 01:03 AM
Original message
Seriously - is there anything we can do?
After this SCOTUS ruling on top of everything else, I'm really at my wit's end.
Is democracy completely and irreversibly dead?
Yeah, I know we could get an amendment - but with this Congress?!?
I'm working two jobs to make ends meet, i'm drowning in student loan debt. There's no one hiring here.
Nether party will address the needs of the people. And one is dangerously insane.
Everywhere I go, i see the country collapsing - and I shudder to think what could take its place.

Can someone help me out here? Is there a ray of hope I'm not seeing?
I want to stay involved, but I'm really feeling overwhelmed.
If anyone has anything encouraging to keep me going, please share it.
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scheming daemons Donating Member (1000+ posts) Send PM | Profile | Ignore Fri Jan-22-10 01:07 AM
Response to Original message
1. Sometimes it looks very dark.... but...
never underestimate the ability of a people to finally stand up and say "enough!"


We're seeing it play out in Iran... we saw it happen in Eastern Europe a couple decades ago.



It happened in this country 234 years ago.



It can happen again.
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Hannah Bell Donating Member (1000+ posts) Send PM | Profile | Ignore Fri Jan-22-10 02:03 AM
Response to Reply #1
12. unorganized people "standing up & saying no" don't accomplish much.
that's a spontaneous demo or a riot.

real change is organized & funded.

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jonathon Donating Member (284 posts) Send PM | Profile | Ignore Fri Jan-22-10 02:29 AM
Response to Reply #12
18. Standing up and saying no doesn't require organization and it will accomplish a lot

It takes an individual committment to change one's own actions, first and foremost. It isn't conditional on money. Or, a organized group. When this happens, revolution follows.

It happens because a true committment to change on a deep level will require people to reach outside themselves and go into the world to make it happen.
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Hannah Bell Donating Member (1000+ posts) Send PM | Profile | Ignore Fri Jan-22-10 02:56 AM
Response to Reply #18
21. how old are you? i don't mean to be rude, but history doesn't bear you out.
Edited on Fri Jan-22-10 03:03 AM by Hannah Bell
give me one example of your "people saying no" theory, & i'll show you the organization.


the theory you're espousing has been fed to you by folks who'd like to ensure you & your peers remain forever unable to accomplish anything.
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Art_from_Ark Donating Member (1000+ posts) Send PM | Profile | Ignore Fri Jan-22-10 03:10 AM
Response to Reply #12
25. If she were alive today,
Rosa Parks might disagree with you.
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Hannah Bell Donating Member (1000+ posts) Send PM | Profile | Ignore Fri Jan-22-10 04:18 AM
Response to Reply #25
27. Rosa Parks wasn't just some lady who wouldn't go to the back of the bus, she was a seasoned activist
Edited on Fri Jan-22-10 04:47 AM by Hannah Bell
& organizer, with an organization behind her.

Her refusal to go to the back of the bus wasn't the spontaneous act of an individual. But that's how it's usually presented. In whose interest is it to present her actions that way?


Since her death, pundits and politicians have all spoken about Parks’ life – incorrectly.

By Josh Eidelson, Yale University
Monday November 7, 2005

In the two weeks since Rosa Parks’ death, just about everyone has had something nice to say about her courageous refusal to yield to bigotry on the bus. Unfortunately, much of what’s been said by politicians or journalists has been deeply misleading or flat-out false. It’s reinforced the 50-year-old myth that Parks was an apolitical woman who one day ambled into history out of simple physical exhaustion and then promptly ambled back out of it again.

...too many people who should know better have instead made statements perpetuating the most stubborn myths about who Parks was and what she did. A few of the major ones:


Bill Frist: “Rosa Parks’ bold and principled refusal to give up her seat was not an intentional attempt to change a nation, but a singular act aimed at restoring the dignity of the individual.”


Parks’ December 1, 1955 civil disobedience was certainly bold and principled, but it was in no way singular. Parks had already been kicked off of buses several times in the decade before for her unwillingness to sacrifice her seat based of the color of her skin. That day in December wasn’t even the first time she had faced down that particular bus driver.

Long before that arrest, Parks had also actively been training others in non-violent resistance as the founder and adult advisor of the NAACP Youth Council, whose members, according to historian Aldon Morris, “took rides and sat in the front seats of segregated buses, then returned to the Youth Council to discuss their acts of defiance with Mrs. Parks” (Morris explored this at length in his book The Origins of the Civil Rights Movement).

All of these pre-meditated actions were aimed at restoring the dignity of the individual by changing a nation whose complicity in the face of bigotry denied it.


Bill Clinton: “This time, Rosa’s War was fought by Martin Luther King’s rules, civil disobedience, peaceful resistance.”


Though King led the Montgomery Bus Boycott, Parks and other civil rights activists were already versed in the principles of non-violence resistance. Like King, Parks studied non-violent protest at the Highlander School in Tennessee, an integrated movement center dedicated to empowering the oppressed to effect social change through collective action.

Highlander Trainer Septima Clark recalled that it was there that Parks “talked … out” the sketch of her December 1955 arrest, and committed that “I’m not going to move out of that seat.” E.D. Nixon declined requests that he lead the newly formed Montgomery Improvement Association, which would lead the boycott, because he thought a minister would be a more effective spokesman. That was when activists decided to approach Martin Luther King.


Mitch McConnell: “Rosa Parks did not set out to become a hero on the evening of December 1, 1955 … it was not inevitable that the struggle would start on that day, in that town, lit by one woman’s courage and devotion.”


The struggle was already well underway. Much of that struggle has been obscured from historical memory, particularly the parts involving long meetings, arduous planning, and formidable internal tensions. Two years before the Montgomery bus boycott, Blacks in Baton Rouge successfully overcame the resistance of bus drivers to partial integration through a mass boycott which provided a model for King and Ralph Abernathy. For four decades before the Montgomery boycott, the NAACP had been organizing trail-blazing legal and educational campaigns for civil rights in the face of violent retaliation. Parks herself had been secretary of the local NAACP since 1943 and secretary of the Alabama State Conference of NAACP branches since the late ‘40s.


New York Times: “That moment on the Cleveland Avenue bus also turned a very private woman into a reluctant symbol and torchbearer in the quest for racial equality and of a movement that became increasingly organized and sophisticated in making demands and getting results.”


Parks was reluctant about being turned into a symbol. But she showed little reluctance, though, in bearing the torch for civil rights. By the time Parks’ 1955 arrest brought her new national attention, she had already taken on the burdens and opportunities of organizational leadership.

What would catch her by surprise was the raft of stubborn myths about her. “My resistance to being mistreated on the buses and anywhere else was just a regular thing with me,” she later told one interviewer, “and not just that day.” “People always say that I didn’t give up my seat because I was tired,” she wrote, “but that isn’t true … the only tired I was, was tired of giving in.”

It’s a shame, in the wake of her death to see the same myths repeated which so bothered her for much of her life: that she was an apolitical seamstress who was too tired to get up; that her action spontaneously and effortlessly generated a movement; that her choice to resist was courageous because it was unmeditated.

These myths are hurting the movement by obscuring the need for well-planned strategic actions with organizational support. Now that Parks is no longer able to call out these myths for what they are, it becomes that much greater a responsibility for the rest of us.

http://www.campusprogress.org/features/633/the-myth-of-rosa-parks/index.php


Let Us Honor Rosa Parks—By Shattering the Myths About Her

by Rick Chamberlin

It is right and good that at this time we should celebrate and honor the life and legacy of Rosa Parks. Her brave, dignified act of civil disobedience on a Montgomery, Alabama bus in 1955 precipitated a nonviolent protest movement that awakened our nation to the widespread injustice of discrimination and segregation.

But as we honor Rosa Parks and bid her soul rest, may we also lay to rest the myths that began to form about her almost immediately after she was arrested 50 years ago. In the long run, I believe these myths could do more harm than good to the unfinished struggle for equality in this country.

Perhaps the most damaging myth about Rosa is that she acted alone. In fact, she worked for years with other social justice and civil rights activists prior to her famous action. She served as a secretary for and was a member of her local NAACP chapter. She attended workshops at the Highlander Folk School in Tennessee to study racial desegregation tactics and Gandhian resistance methods. While Rosa parks was led from that bus alone, there were many people behind her when she boarded it. Her decision to refuse to move to the back of the bus so that a white rider could have her seat was made in the context of a community.

http://www.commondreams.org/views05/1030-27.htm


The Real Rosa Parks
by Paul Rogat Loeb

We learn much from how we present our heroes. A few years ago, on Martin Luther King. Day, I was interviewed on CNN. So was Rosa Parks...

I was excited to hear Parks's voice and to be part of the same show. Then it occurred to me that the host's description--the story's standard rendition and one repeated even in many of her obituaries--stripped the Montgomery boycott of all of its context.

Before refusing to give up her bus seat, Parks had been active for twelve years in the local NAACP chapter, serving as its secretary. The summer before her arrest, she'd had attended a ten-day training session at Tennessee's labor and civil rights organizing school, the Highlander Center, where she'd met an older generation of civil rights activists...Parks had become familiar with previous challenges to segregation: Another Montgomery bus boycott, fifty years earlier, successfully eased some restrictions; a bus boycott in Baton Rouge won limited gains two years before Parks was arrested; and the previous spring, a young Montgomery woman had also refused to move to the back of the bus, causing the NAACP to consider a legal challenge until it turned out that she was unmarried and pregnant, and therefore a poor symbol for a campaign.

In short, Rosa Parks didn't make a spur-of-the-moment decision. She didn't single-handedly give birth to the civil rights efforts, but she was part of an existing movement for change, at a time when success was far from certain...

This in no way diminishes the power and historical importance of Parks's refusal to give up her seat. But it reminds us that this tremendously consequential act, along with everything that followed, depended on all the humble and frustrating work that Parks and others undertook earlier on. It also reminds us that Parks's initial step of getting involved was just as courageous and critical as the stand on the bus that all of us have heard about...

http://www.commondreams.org/views05/1031-32.htm


Her husband was also an activist & organizer...

Her resolve to confront the brutal racism in Montgomery Alabama began years before the bus action. As far back as 1943, she made the courageous decision to join the Montgomery branch of the NAACP, where she quickly became secretary. Being active in the NAACP meant taking serious risks. Rosa’s husband, Raymond Parks, was also active in the NAACP. For years he participated in secret meetings, sometimes at their house, around the Scottsboro Case. Members brought their guns to these meetings to protect themselves from the violence of the Klan...

http://www.the-spark.net/np762801.html

In 1932, Rosa married Raymond Parks, a barber from Montgomery, at her mother's house. Raymond was a member of the NAACP, at the time collecting money to support the Scottsboro Boys, a group of black men falsely accused of raping two white women. After her marriage, Rosa took numerous jobs, ranging from domestic worker to hospital aide. At her husband's urging, she finished her high school studies in 1933, at a time when less than 7% of African Americans had a high school diploma. Despite the Jim Crow laws that made political participation by black people difficult, she succeeded in registering to vote on her third try.

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Rosa_Parks


And, even more forgotten facts:

Well, to begin with, Raymond was a barber alright. But he was an activist way before Rosa had stepped in. So much so that he was raising funds for the National Committee to Save the Scottsboro Boys! Does that sound a bell? So the story begins from here....

It involved the alleged gang rape of two white girls by nine black teenagers on the Southern Railroad freight run from Chattanooga to Memphis on March 25, 1931. And yes, this was a case that the NAACP then during the 30's refused to take up... The Scottsboro Boys, for better or worse, cast their lots with the Communists who, in the South, were “treated with only slightly more courtesy than a gang of rapists.”


Not only (Edgar) Nixon (labor organizer, leader of montgomery brotherhood of sleeping car porters & president of the montgomery naacp), who was on the political left of the things and was conveniently shoved to the history’s closed pages:

{{In the early 1950s, Nixon and Jo Ann Robinson , president of the Women's Political Council decided to mount a court challenge to the discriminatory seating practices on Montgomery's municipal buses along with a boycott of the bus company... Before the activists could mount the court challenge, they needed someone to voluntarily break this bus seating law and be arrested for it. Nixon carefully searched for a suitable plaintiff....}}}http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Edgar_Nixon


...but we need to remember Clifford Durr (1899 – 1975) who was an Alabama lawyer who defended activists and others accused of disloyalty during the New Deal and McCarthy eras. He was the one who represented Rosa Parks in her challenge to the constitutionality of the ordinance requiring the segregation of passengers on buses in Montgomery that launched the Montgomery Bus Boycott.

Who was Durr? He was branded as a communist and was put under FBI surveillance in 1942, because he had defended a colleague accused of left-wing political associations....

http://www.montgomeryboycott.com/bio_durr.htm

Durr called the jail when authorities refused to tell Nixon what the charges against Parks were and he and his wife accompanied Nixon to the jail when Nixon bailed her out. Nixon and Durr then went to the Parks’ home to discuss whether she was prepared to fight the charges against her. Parks was then as aforesaid, working as voluntary secretary to Nixon.

And yes, hold on, Durr's wife had employed Rosa Parks as the seamstress.

http://www.saswat.com/blog/radical_is_ideal_rosa_parks.html




The standard storyline about Rosa Parks being some tired domestic worker who courageously decided on her own not to go to the back of the bus is bull.

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raccoon Donating Member (1000+ posts) Send PM | Profile | Ignore Fri Jan-22-10 09:50 AM
Response to Reply #27
35. Great post. Thanks for rebutting a popular myth. nt
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raccoon Donating Member (1000+ posts) Send PM | Profile | Ignore Fri Jan-22-10 09:50 AM
Response to Reply #27
36. delete--duplicate post. nt
Edited on Fri Jan-22-10 09:50 AM by raccoon
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Kablooie Donating Member (1000+ posts) Send PM | Profile | Ignore Fri Jan-22-10 02:23 AM
Response to Reply #1
17. They tried it at Tienanmen square too and look what happened there.
Edited on Fri Jan-22-10 02:24 AM by Kablooie
I think with modern weaponry in the hands of the government, public revolt is useless.
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havocmom Donating Member (1000+ posts) Send PM | Profile | Ignore Fri Jan-22-10 01:07 AM
Response to Original message
2. a people with no economic stake, no judicial voice, no recourse...
ends up a lot like oh, all those states with all those big problems and noises. I wonder just what the SCOTUS was thinking.
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NoSheep Donating Member (1000+ posts) Send PM | Profile | Ignore Fri Jan-22-10 01:09 AM
Response to Original message
3. Watch Man on Wire. I swear that is the best advice I can give anyone at this moment.
:+
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Hannah Bell Donating Member (1000+ posts) Send PM | Profile | Ignore Fri Jan-22-10 01:18 AM
Response to Original message
4. There is: but it's work:
Edited on Fri Jan-22-10 01:20 AM by Hannah Bell
"First point, and most important, the student occupation and strike of April and May, 1968, against Columbia’s involvement in the Vietnam War and its institutional racism, were the product of more than three years of concerted, focused, unrelenting organizing.

This fact is generally not known or discussed, having been overshadowed by Columbia SDS’ aggressive militancy... From the outside, and from this distance in time, it may appear that the uprising was spontaneous, but the reality is otherwise....

What’s happened is that we’ve lost the models of organizing that we once had. Those of us who were young in the anti-Vietnam War movement had the benefit of both the labor and civil rights movements contiguous in time with us. From veterans of these movements who were fighting the war we learned that we needed to build a base through education, agitation, and, most of all, direct connection with people.

But there’s been at least a thirty year gap between the last successful mass social movements and young people now. A generation, maybe two, has come of age without knowing what organizing is, or even knowing what questions to ask. Most young activists think organizing means making the physical arrangements for a rally or benefit concert. And the words base-building and coalition are not even in the lexicon.

No wonder we don’t have an anti-war movement, even as public opinion has turned against the war and as the Republicans self-destruct. But public opinion is not a movement: it’s not organized for political action. Seeking some outlet, like water running downhill, public opinion seems to have settled on the Democrats, who are no more deserving of the mantle of opposition party than they were during the Vietnam War.

I hold my generation responsible for the lack of a movement now. After Vietnam and Watergate, too many of us retreated into our small personal and family concerns, perhaps tired of the demands of organizing. By and large we ceased working in our communities; few organized within the Democratic Party, where it would have helped. Perhaps we felt that all was revealed about the nature of the American system, and that political solutions would automatically fall into place.

Meanwhile, the Republicans didn’t give up on mass organizing—far from it. Under the tutelage of aggressive Young Republican organizers like Karl Rove, they learned from their early defeats and went on to master the arts of engagement, communication and coalition building. They were the ones who eventually seized state power, in case you hadn’t noticed, not the old SDS’ers.

Our efforts didn’t stop completely. We were able, from time to time, to organize small and influential movements, such as the one against nuclear power in the late seventies... The Rainbow Coalition, which came together around Jesse Jackson’s candidacies in 1984 and 1988, was based on a strategy of uniting the grassroots-organized left wing of the Democratic Party—minorities, women, progressive labor, peace activists, environmentalists. When I tell young people that Jesse got 6.5 million votes in the 1988 primary, their eyes get wide.

But Jesse dissolved the Rainbow Coalition at the behest of the right-wing of the party, the DLC, which then took power, and the progressive insurgency was over.

Since then the left has lost the ability to speak with people unlike ourselves or even to contemplate the problem of strategy. It’s a caretaker operation at best. The millions of my generation who used to be active against the war stay home and listen to the latest Bush atrocities on NPR, Air America and Democracy Now. In Albuquerque, thousands, literally, turn out for Noam Chomsky and Amy Goodman when they come to town, but try to get them to walk precincts for a progressive Chicano candidate for mayor, forget it.

But there are hopeful signs. A new generation of young organizers asking the right questions has begun to emerge. The media hasn’t yet discovered them, and when they do, it’ll be a giant surprise, just like we were forty years ago. One of the best sources I can recommend to you, if you haven’t already seen it, is Letters from Young Activists, by Dan Berger, Chesa Boudin, and Kenyon Farrow. I learned the distinction between “activism” and “organizing” from Andy Cornell’s “Letter to Punk Activism.” He gave a name to a problem I’d been sensing, but was unable to describe until I read his critique of punk activism. Buy the book, read it. We can all learn something from these young people.

Right now, on more than two hundred college campuses, activist students have formed chapters of a newly resurrected SDS, Students for a Democratic Society. Some of my old comrades find this development irritating, believing that you can’t go backward to an organization of a different time. But I interpret the choice of names and organizational model much more positively: intuitively, these young people are looking to the past for successful models of organizing..."


Mark Rudd; http://www.markrudd.com/?organizing-and-activism-now/1968-organizing-vs-activism.html


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Hannah Bell Donating Member (1000+ posts) Send PM | Profile | Ignore Fri Jan-22-10 01:25 AM
Response to Reply #4
5. Lost lessons of the civil rights movement
The Lost Lesson of the Civil Rights Movement


The commemoration of Martin Luther King Jr. day has led Palestine solidarity activists and journalists alike to compare the current non-violent struggle in the Palestinian Territories with the American Civil Rights Movement. With the recent arrests of several prominent Palestinian leaders of the Anti-Apartheid Wall campaign, people around the world are answering the question “where is the Palestinian Martin Luther King?”

The question we should be asking, then, is not “where is the Palestinian Martin Luther King?” but rather, “where is the Palestinian Ella Baker?”

Don’t know who Ella Baker is, or at least, what she did exactly? That was her intention.

Ella Baker, born in North Carolina in 1903, was widely known within the organizing circles of the Civil Rights Movement from the 1940’s to the 1960’s as a quiet, mobilizing force behind the development of the movement. Baker was the first paid organizer of the Southern Christian Leadership Conference (whose figurehead was Martin Luther King).

When students in Greensboro, North Carolina sat-in at a Woolworth’s lunch counter in 1960, she went to North Carolina and helped students found the Student Non-violent Coordinating Committee, which was responsible for organizing and coordinating the sit-in movement, the Freedom Rides, and later voter registrations in the Deep South.

Most importantly, Ella Baker brought with her an ideology and practice of mass-mobilization movement building. With a strong distaste for charismatic leaders and centralized organizations, Baker worked tirelessly to spread the concept of local empowerment; instilling in the minds of Bob Moses, Julian Bond, and the like that real organizing must include a willingness to engage in “spadework”, the slow, unglamorous work of meeting people one on one and encouraging them to become involved in the movement. She lived the concept of ‘participatory democracy’, believing that true liberation can only come when the oppressed are shaping their own struggle for freedom.

Baker felt strongly that Southern Blacks would only succeed in their struggle for civil and political rights when they were empowered themselves to address these issues. She said,

“My basic sense of it has always been to get people to understand that in the long run they themselves are the only protection they have against violence or injustice …. People have to be made to understand that they cannot look for salvation anywhere but to themselves.”

Beyond her general distrust of organizations that emphasized leadership from the outside (she wrote the above as part of a critique of the organizing structure of the NAACP of the 1940’s, which was based in New York), she also always emphasized the need for the participatory democracy and the inclusion of everyone in shaping the struggle.

“I have always felt it was a handicap for oppressed people to depend so largely on a leader, because unfortunately in our culture, the charismatic leader usually becomes a leader because he has found a spot in the public limelight. It usually means that the media made him, and the media may undo him.

There is also the danger in our culture that, because a person is called upon to give public statements and is acclaimed by the establishment, such a person gets to the point of believing that he is the movement. Such people get so involved with playing the game of being important that they exhaust themselves and their time and they don’t do the work of actually organizing people.”

Baker articulated perhaps the most important lesson from the American Civil Rights Movement...

As Baker warned, what has been pushed to the sidelines as we have all over-emphasized the importance of international attention and pressure, spectacular individual acts, and individual personalities, is “actually organizing people.”

For more information on Ella Baker and the organizing principles of the Civil Rights Movement, see I’ve Got the Light of Freedom by Charles Payne.

http://www.indybay.org/newsitems/2010/01/21/18635866.php

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Hannah Bell Donating Member (1000+ posts) Send PM | Profile | Ignore Fri Jan-22-10 01:33 AM
Response to Reply #5
7. Looking to the Light of Freedom: Lessons from the Civil Rights Movement
Ella Baker, Community Organizing and Participatory Democracy

Ella Baker, who was born in North Carolina in 1905, was politicized and radicalized by the poverty of the Great Depression. She participated in self-help programs throughout the 30s and developed an understanding and respect for the process by which people take control over their own lives while also protesting injustices.

In the late 1930s, Baker became a field organizer for the NAACP. She would travel throughout the South and lecture, network and organize with any one person or group of people she could find. She would stay with local branches and help organize membership drives. She would assist local groups that were having either internal or external problems. However, her overall goal of organizing was to bring the NAACP to the grassroots.

As an organizer, Baker believed very strongly in the abilities and the knowledge of local people to address their own issues. She believed that the national organization should serve as a system of support to offer assistance and resources to local campaigns and projects. She believed that organizations needed to serve the grassroots that made the organization strong.

...Baker describes her years of organizing with the NAACP and what she tried to accomplish as follows: "My basic sense of it has always been to get people to understand that in the long run, they themselves are the only protection they have against violence and injustice. If they only had ten members in the NAACP at any given point, those ten members could be in touch with twenty-five members in the next little town, with fifty in the next and throughout the state as a result of the organization of state conferences and they, or course, could be linked up with the national. People have to be made to understand that they cannot look for salvation anywhere but themselves".

Baker's organizational style actively worked to keep people informed and empowered, with the goal of people organizing themselves. Baker argued that strong people do not need a strong leader; rather they need an organization that can provide mutual aid and solidarity.

Those views on organizing were very different then those of the national NAACP. In fact, Baker became critical of the national NAACP's failure to support the development of self-sufficient local groups, as it failed to help "local leaders develop their own leadership potential". In response to the unsupportive stance of the national NAACP, Baker began organizing regional gatherings to bring people together and help develop local leadership and organizing skills.

Baker worked to organize and support regional gatherings to both develop people's skills and build communities of support and resistance. This is an example of Baker's commitment to bottom up organizing that values the work of developing relationships between people and building trust, respect and power on a grassroots level. She believed in participatory democracy, not just in theory or on paper, but in the messy and complex world of practice: where mistakes are made, decision-making is tough, and the process of growth is slow.

In her essay, "Ella Baker and the Origins of 'Participatory Democracy'", Carol Mueller breaks down Ella's conception of participatory democracy into three parts: (1) an appeal for grassroots involvement of people throughout society in the decisions that control their lives; (2) the minimization of hierarchy and the associated emphasis on expertise and professionalism as a basis for leadership; and (3) a call for direct action as an answer to fear, alienation and intellectual detachment.

The call for direct action was one of Baker's main strategies for creating meaningful social change. She argued that it is the people themselves who create change; that not only does direct action challenge injustice in society, but that ultimately individuals confront the oppression in their own heads and begin the process of self-transformation and self-actualization.

She also believed that as people organize, they will learn from their mistakes and successes and become stronger people in the process: people who believe in themselves and feel a sense of their own power to affect the world around them and make history.

If there was a shortage of food due to economic injustice, she would help people to provide food for themselves but she would also help organize folks to protest the economic conditions that deny people food.

If the school system isn't providing a satisfactory education, then the community must come together to demand changes and to also provide alternatives ways of learning (i.e. after school programs, study groups, tutoring programs, free schools, homeschooling, etc.).

For Baker, direct action was about achieving immediate goals, but it was also deeply connected to developing a sense of power in the people involved. It is this sense of power that would change people far beyond winning the immediate goals and help build a sustainable movement with long-term commitment and vision.

It would also hopefully impact people's perceptions of themselves in relationship to the world and open up greater possibilities for happiness and satisfaction....

Charles Payne writes in his book, I've Got the Light of Freedom: "SNCC may have the firmest claim to being called the borning organization . SNCC initiated the mass-based, disruptive political style we associate with the sixties, and it provided philosophical and organizational models and hands-on training for people who would become leaders in the student power movement, anti-war movement, and the feminist movement. SNCC forced the civil rights movement to enter the most dangerous areas of the South. It pioneered the idea of young people 'dropping out' for a year or two to work for social change. It pushed the proposition that merely bettering the living conditions of the oppressed was insufficient; that has to be done in conjunction with giving those people a voice in the decisions that shape their lives. As SNCC learned to see beyond the lunch counter, the increasingly radical philosophies that emerged within the organization directly and indirectly encouraged a generation of scholars and activists to reconsider the ways that social inequality is generated and sustained."

One model of organizing in SNCC was the Freedom School used in Mississippi. The Freedom Schools prioritized political education informed by daily reality to connect day-to-day experiences with an institutional analysis. The Freedom Schools focused on building leadership and training organizers. SNCC envisioned the schools to operate as "parallel institutions" or what many anarchists refer to today as "counter-institutions".

Charlie Cobb, who first proposed the creation of the Freedom Schools said that the schools were to be "an educational experience for students which will make it possible for them to challenge the myths of our society, to perceive more clearly its realities and to find alternatives and ultimately, new directions for action". Curriculum at the schools ranged from "Introducing the Power Structure", to critiques of materialism in "Material Things and Soul Things". There were classes on non-violence and direct action as well as classes on economics and how the power structure manipulates the fears of poor whites. The lessons learned from the Freedom Schools can help us to envision programs that educate as well as train people to take action.

The history and experiences of SNCC offer much to organizers today, in terms of how we go about our work and how we envision our goals. One organizer from SNCC, Bob Zellner, described being an organizer as similar to a juggling act, "Organizers had to be morale boosters, teachers, welfare agents, transportation coordinators, canvassers, public speakers, negotiators, lawyers, all while communicating with people who range from illiterate sharecroppers to well-off professionals and while enduring harassment from agents of the law and listening with one ear for threats of violence. Exciting days and major victories are rare".

Ella Baker described community organizing as 'spade work', as in the hard work gardening when you prepare the soil for seeds for the next season. It is hard work, but it is what makes it possible for the garden to grow.

Charles Payne warns us repeatedly to look at the everyday work that builds movements and creates social change and to draw from those experiences in order to learn the lessons for our work today. He writes, "Overemphasizing the movement's more dramatic features, we undervalue the patient and sustained effort, the slow, respectful work, that made the dramatic moments possible".

http://colours.mahost.org/articles/crass8.html
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Hannah Bell Donating Member (1000+ posts) Send PM | Profile | Ignore Fri Jan-22-10 01:59 AM
Response to Reply #7
11. Organizing Unions: The 30's and 40's
The dawning of the Thirties saw the country sliding ever deeper into the Great Depression. Unemployment was soaring and would hit about 15 million by March of 1933...

After 1933 the Communist Party (CP) made great strides by switching from activism in the unemployed sector to aggressive union building among those who did have jobs. There was a great upsurge in Communist participation and influence in labor unions – especially in the Pacific Northwest.

This participation brought the Party new members and new credibility. In his book Labor and Communism: The Conflict That Shaped American Unions, historian Burt Cochran argues that the party gained influence and credibility by taking the lead in union-building struggles and doing the hard work of organizing and taking risks where others held back.

Party members gained a reputation as fighters for the working class:

"Beyond winning relief for some of the needy and making the country conscious of the national problem, the marches and demonstrations, the moving of furniture back into apartments whose tenants had been dispossessed, the countless sit-downs in relief offices and other so-called job actions were important in carving the image of Communists as intrepid fighters for the underdog."

http://depts.washington.edu/labhist/cpproject/grijalva.shtml
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Hannah Bell Donating Member (1000+ posts) Send PM | Profile | Ignore Fri Jan-22-10 02:14 AM
Response to Reply #11
13. Organizing the Unemployed: The Early 1930s
When the Depression hit, the Party also developed an organizing strategy aimed at the unemployed. As part of a 13-point list of demands — which included unemployment insurance equal to full wages, a seven-hour day and recognition of the Soviet Union — the Communist Party called for the formation of Unemployed Councils. Every local and district office of the Trade Union Unity League was told to set up a council and instructions on how:

"Into these Councils shall be drawn representatives of the revolutionary unions, shop committees and reformist unions, as well as unorganized workers. The councils shall be definitely affiliated to the respective TUUL."

In cities like New York, Chicago, and Detroit, the Unemployed Councils made an immediate impact, staging large attention- getting demonstrations in the winter and spring of 1930 and in subsequent years building neighborhood based Councils that fought for public assistance and rallied neighbors to conduct rent strikes and resist evictions. But in the Northwest the Unemployed Councils were much less effective. Police repression was one of the problems...

But as the New Deal emerged, Communists in Washington would also continue the practice of “boring within” to achieve leading roles in the projects relating to the unemployed. In the mid 1930s the Unemployed Citizens League would be replaced by the Workers Alliance, an organization that attempted to unionize and represent workers employed on WPA (Works Progress Administration) projects. Similarly the Party would organize its way into the Washington Commonwealth Federation, Washington Pension Union and various labor unions.

http://depts.washington.edu/labhist/cpproject/black.shtml
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Mojorabbit Donating Member (1000+ posts) Send PM | Profile | Ignore Fri Jan-22-10 07:50 AM
Response to Reply #7
33. Great set of posts. nt
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leftstreet Donating Member (1000+ posts) Send PM | Profile | Ignore Fri Jan-22-10 02:32 AM
Response to Reply #4
20. THESE ARE GREAT LINKS!
Thanks Hannah!

:applause:
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Hannah Bell Donating Member (1000+ posts) Send PM | Profile | Ignore Fri Jan-22-10 03:00 AM
Response to Reply #20
23. however, i've just been told it's simply a matter of "being the change you wish to see,"
so please disregard the organizing links.

we just look deep into our very important individual psyches & become peace, & all will be well.
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leftstreet Donating Member (1000+ posts) Send PM | Profile | Ignore Fri Jan-22-10 03:01 AM
Response to Reply #23
24. LOL I hadn't heard that since the 70s, and I was stoned out of my mind
:hi:

Off to be the change I wanna be...
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snagglepuss Donating Member (1000+ posts) Send PM | Profile | Ignore Fri Jan-22-10 04:25 AM
Response to Reply #20
28. +1
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Occulus Donating Member (1000+ posts) Send PM | Profile | Ignore Fri Jan-22-10 01:28 AM
Response to Original message
6. After this latest SCOTUS decision?
Well- we can pass a Constitutional Amendment revoking "corporate personhood".

More to the point, we should, in the meantime, now apply citizen responsibilities to corporations. If we're really going to treat them as persons, giving them free speech (at least within the context of the political landscape), we would be sorely remiss to not apply things like jail or prison time- or execution- to them if they break the law... wouldn't we?
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obliviously Donating Member (1000+ posts) Send PM | Profile | Ignore Fri Jan-22-10 01:36 AM
Response to Original message
8. Before the law was passed Democrats had no trouble getting elected
Clinton,Carter, LBJ,Kennedy etc......
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jgraz Donating Member (1000+ posts) Send PM | Profile | Ignore Fri Jan-22-10 01:45 AM
Response to Original message
9. We still have Alan Grayson
As long as he stays out of small aircraft.
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peace frog Donating Member (1000+ posts) Send PM | Profile | Ignore Fri Jan-22-10 09:54 AM
Response to Reply #9
38. He's not safe anywhere
Edited on Fri Jan-22-10 09:54 AM by peace frog
Small aircraft is only one method of elimination; there are many more in their arsenal to silence truth-tellers.
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brewens Donating Member (1000+ posts) Send PM | Profile | Ignore Fri Jan-22-10 01:48 AM
Response to Original message
10. I'll be interested to see how independants will react to
someone that is clearly a corporate candidate. Will someone running and refusing corporate money get their votes?
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Maru Kitteh Donating Member (1000+ posts) Send PM | Profile | Ignore Fri Jan-22-10 02:20 AM
Response to Reply #10
15. How do they react to Wal*Mart, cage fighting and Bud Light?
There ya go.

Not so long ago I was a dyed in the wool optimist, but I'm pretty sure now that we're all fucked.
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Adenoid_Hynkel Donating Member (1000+ posts) Send PM | Profile | Ignore Fri Jan-22-10 05:41 AM
Response to Reply #10
30. can they react to what they don't hear about?
this story's already pushed off the front pages of most news sites
nothing to see here - watch American Gladiators, as Bill Hicks would say
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Orsino Donating Member (1000+ posts) Send PM | Profile | Ignore Fri Jan-22-10 10:24 AM
Response to Reply #30
42. And what's to stop a corporate-owned Congress...
...from protecting, by law, the privacy of campaign contributions? What's to stop a corporate-owned president from nominating more corporatists to federal benches? What corporate-owned Senated wouldn't confirm such extremists?

I don't see how we come back from this. The SC has just made peaceful revolution impossible, and I am afraid I know where that leaves the country.
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name not needed Donating Member (1000+ posts) Send PM | Profile | Ignore Fri Jan-22-10 02:16 AM
Response to Original message
14. Depends. Anyone on here the CEO of a Fortune 500 company?
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jonathon Donating Member (284 posts) Send PM | Profile | Ignore Fri Jan-22-10 02:30 AM
Response to Reply #14
19. love your image
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jonathon Donating Member (284 posts) Send PM | Profile | Ignore Fri Jan-22-10 02:23 AM
Response to Original message
16. You must be the change you want to see in the world.

There isn't a instruction booklet for revolution. It is a make it up as you go kind of thing.

What can you do? What is your role?

This is the only power you have and no one can tell you what it is....only help guide you.




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Hannah Bell Donating Member (1000+ posts) Send PM | Profile | Ignore Fri Jan-22-10 02:58 AM
Response to Reply #16
22. excuse me, that's puerile nonsense. &, btw, i heard it 50 years ago & you can see
Edited on Fri Jan-22-10 03:09 AM by Hannah Bell
how well the "revolution" is coming along.


"First point, and most important, the student occupation and strike of April and May, 1968, against Columbia’s involvement in the Vietnam War and its institutional racism, were the product of more than three years of concerted, focused, unrelenting organizing.

This fact is generally not known or discussed, having been overshadowed by Columbia SDS’ aggressive militancy... From the outside, and from this distance in time, it may appear that the uprising was spontaneous, but the reality is otherwise....

What’s happened is that we’ve lost the models of organizing that we once had. Those of us who were young in the anti-Vietnam War movement had the benefit of both the labor and civil rights movements contiguous in time with us. From veterans of these movements who were fighting the war we learned that we needed to build a base through education, agitation, and, most of all, direct connection with people.

But there’s been at least a thirty year gap between the last successful mass social movements and young people now. A generation, maybe two, has come of age without knowing what organizing is, or even knowing what questions to ask. Most young activists think organizing means making the physical arrangements for a rally or benefit concert. And the words base-building and coalition are not even in the lexicon."
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Political Heretic Donating Member (1000+ posts) Send PM | Profile | Ignore Fri Jan-22-10 03:28 AM
Response to Original message
26. WE NEED A SECOND CIVIL RIGHTS MOVEMENT FOR ECONOMIC JUSTICE AND STRUCTURAL TRANSFORMATION
It's going to take more than the ballot box to fix/save our country. And I am more and more convinced each day that looking to the development and history of the Civil Rights Movement from small local protest to sweeping national action is where we need to be looking.

And calling it a Civil Rights movement is exactly accurate. It's time we finish the work Dr. King died advocating. In his last days his focus and message had turned to addressing the structural injustice and inequality of our political and economic system itself, and the call for economic justice. He was the first one to call for this Civil Rights Movement for economic justice. But it cost him his life.

Things have to reach a tipping point, where the comfortable and sluggish suburbanites who "have" just enough to kiss the whip and oppose taking action are finally so fed up with a system that does not work for ordinary Americans that they become willing to risk and act.

We keep flirting with the tipping point in recent times, with the smoldering anger at Wall Street and the steadily going disgust with everyone in Washington, regardless of party, as more and more people wake up to the fact that none of them really act with working families interests firstin their minds.

Will we, the people be able to study the history and lessons of movement and organizing available do us in the legacy of the Civil Rights Movement? And will we be able to shake off that malaise created by this modern culture that, some 40ish years later, has done so much more to indoctrinate and pacify the citizenry, keeping us ignorant and isolated, locked in an existence of consumption and wage slavery that makes so many believe organized resistance is impossible.

But organized resistance is the only thing that has ever seriously challenged social injustice and the status quo enforced by power and privilege. It was the force behind the New Deal, as million of Americans took to the streets and even rioted as they demanded social change and refused to sit passively by for meager hand-me-downs from the privileged.

It was the driving force behind the labor movement, and the workplace victories won for ordinary people at the dawn of the industrial revolution.

It was the driving force behind Abolition, a movement without which slavery would not have ended.

It was the driving force behind the Women's sufferage movement.

It was the driving force behind the civil rights movement.

In every instance where one can point to dramatic structural change in our society and government, it has been mass movement of people willing to sit down and refuse to move, willing to disobey civilly, willing to march and refuse to turn back, willing to push onward and "overcome" even when confronted with threats, violence and even in some cases death.

But before any of this could ever happen, enough American people have to really believe that our situation is so serious and critical that it would move them to fight back.

We are certainly nowhere near that, as many Americans continue to care more about American Idol or who will win the Late Night wars than they care about any sort of true change in our country. But before we discard all hope, there have certainly been rumblings and stirrings among the people in the last few years, and signs of a building outrage at the insanity of corporate exploitation and the political parties that support and allow it. This anger at being used and being treated like political and economic slaves has to grow, to the point where populism and the demand for radical change becomes more important than conventional "wisdom" or conventional social place and position.

It may never happen. Or it may happen. Either way it is what we need. And I think we should start becoming experts on the birth, evolution and legacy of the civil rights movement - how it grew, how it was able to turn into a campaign of national protest and righteous unrest in demand of justice. Because its an example of the same situation we are in - where as individuals we feel somewhat helpless to build a movement.

Many of us say, "what can I do? If I go downtown and march by myself that doesn't really produce any change. How do we go from isolated individuals to organized movements? The answer, or at least the beginning of an answer, is in the simple reminder that it has been done before, numerous times, in many different socail and historical climates. And so studying that history and understanding how radical movements of the past have gone from a couple individuals sitting down and refusing to move to a national uprising of millions of people - and what we can learn from them.
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Hannah Bell Donating Member (1000+ posts) Send PM | Profile | Ignore Fri Jan-22-10 04:35 AM
Response to Reply #26
29. +100
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TheKentuckian Donating Member (1000+ posts) Send PM | Profile | Ignore Fri Jan-22-10 05:51 AM
Response to Original message
31. We can blow up the system. Default, default, default, ca$h out investments
and buy little as possible using CA$H only.

Feeling invested in the system is the system's real control.

The currency must flow for them to survive. CUT OFF THAT FLOW.
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KharmaTrain Donating Member (1000+ posts) Send PM | Profile | Ignore Fri Jan-22-10 05:58 AM
Response to Original message
32. Educated Voters...And More Of Them...
They can try to buy my vote, but it's not for sale...and neither should anyone else's. The best strategy is to hit the corporates where it hurts...in their "bottom lines". Make it a waste of their money to try to influence elections...expose the candidates they try to buy or influence and support candidates who ascertain they aren't owned by anyone. It's making taking corporate money as much a sin as being caught in bed with a naked girl/boy/animal. It's to shame all who try to pervert the system through their big bankrolls and hopefully make them spend a lot of it in the process. Make the individual vote worth more than the corporates can afford.

The law, or lack of it, also can enable and empower those on our side such as unions and special interest groups to fight back as well...leading the way in a populist anti-corporate wave that is starting to swell up on both the right and left. As is pointed out, while the wingnuts may not see it now, they will eventually...and they're going to be squealing like stuck pigs as well. In some ways, the political landscape may have changed in a positive way...but it's going to take a lot of pain and hard work before we get there. I'm not going to quit and run for the border...my vote is sacred...and others should feel the same way.
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ChicagoSuz219 Donating Member (1000+ posts) Send PM | Profile | Ignore Fri Jan-22-10 09:33 AM
Response to Original message
34. Go to www.savedemocracy.net
& sign the petition! Pass it on!

It's a start...
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rucky Donating Member (1000+ posts) Send PM | Profile | Ignore Fri Jan-22-10 09:51 AM
Response to Original message
37. Heidi Montag is addicted to plastic surgery!
can you believe it? I can't believe it.
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reformist Donating Member (93 posts) Send PM | Profile | Ignore Fri Jan-22-10 10:06 AM
Response to Original message
39. How about a new law, that only eligible voters can donate money or produce TV ads for candidates?

Seems only fair - if you aren't eligible to vote in an election, why should you be able to influence that election? PACs are the only entities that should be excluded, as they directly act on behalf of like-minded individuals.
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Greyhound Donating Member (1000+ posts) Send PM | Profile | Ignore Fri Jan-22-10 10:12 AM
Response to Original message
40. Quit paying them to enslave you.
Really, just quit. If you don't play, they can't win.

Politics, let alone Political parties, will not fix this. This is what they've been working toward for decades and it's almost done, just a few more tweaks.


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MiniMe Donating Member (1000+ posts) Send PM | Profile | Ignore Fri Jan-22-10 10:18 AM
Response to Original message
41. Hope for one of the fascists to be incapacitated in some way?
Not that I would wish any hard to any of the SCOTUS of course, but replacing one of them is a sure way to get another judge appointed that Obama would nominate. Then a new case on this could be tried, and if it ends up in the Supreme Court the outcome may be different.
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