It appears that the argument the ACLU made in this recently decided case was not directed at the core issue argued by Citizens United, but rather a more narrow aspect of the case, AKA "McConnell".
"Citizens United spends little of its challenge on the McConnell decision, focusing primarily upon the Austin ruling, which it clearly regards as the more fundamental precedent. If Austin is overturned, it argued, that may well scuttle McConnell, too. Without Austin, it argued, the McConnell decision would be “supported by nothing.” "I have extracted the Summary of Argument from the ACLU amicus brief in the recently decided Supreme Court case. It can be seen that the ACLU argument was focused on one aspect of
McConnell decision (i.e. - the ban on “electioneering communications”) specifically, whereas the Citizens United case was focused primarily on the broader Austin ruling (i.e. - the ban on express advocacy by corporations and unions) that preceded it. The ACLU did not argue against the ban on advocacy of corporations and unions.
This post is not an argument for or against what the ACLU did in this case, it is provided for informational purposes as I'm sure others will be equally interested in learning that the ACLU was not arguing for the specific argument put forth by Citizens United, but rather a latter offshoot that it had determined was unconstitutional. Their interests are highlighted below. Sadly, it appears that the broader ruling precludes "fixing" the uncertainty that they saw as unconstitutional in McConnell. Legal briefs are not my specialty and I'm basing my comments on a limited knowledge of these as argued within the summary - please feel free to correct me if I am wrong on my assumptions.
Citizens United v. Federal Election Commission - ACLU Amicus Brief ...
SUMMARY OF ARGUMENT
The broad prohibition on “electioneering communications” set forth in § 203 of the Bipartisan Campaign Reform Act of 2002 (BCRA), 2 U.S.C. § 441b(b)(2), violates the First Amendment, and the limiting construction adopted by this Court in WRTL is insufficient to save it. Accordingly, the Court should strike down § 203 as facially unconstitutional and overrule that portion of McConnell that holds otherwise.
This brief addresses
only that question. It does not address the additional question raised by this Court’s reargument order: namely, whether Austin v. Michigan Chamber of Commerce, 494 U.S. 652 (1990), should be overruled. However, if Austin is overruled and the
ban on express advocacy by corporations and unions is struck down, then the ban on “electioneering communications” in § 203 would necessarily fall as a consequence. Even if Austin is not overruled, § 203 is unconstitutional precisely because it extends beyond the express advocacy at issue in Austin. The history of the McConnell litigation, as well as campaign finance litigation before and after McConnell, demonstrates that there is no precise or predictable way to determine whether or not political speech is the “functional equivalent” of express advocacy.
The decision in WRTL correctly recognized that the BCRA’s prophylactic ban on “electioneering communications” threatened speech that lies at the heart of the First Amendment, including genuine issue ads by nonpartisan organizations like the ACLU. But the reformulated ban crafted by this Court in WRTL continues to threaten core First Amendment speech. Its reliance on the hypothetical response of a reasonable listener still leaves speakers guessing about what speech is lawful and what speech is not. That uncertainty invites arbitrary and discriminatory enforcement. It will also lead many speakers to self-censor rather than risk sanctions or undertake the expense of suing the FEC prior to speaking, especially since most suits will not be resolved until long after the speech is timely and relevant.
In short, § 203 was a poorly conceived effort to restrict political speech and should be struck down.
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Read the entire brief here:
http://www.aclu.org/files/pdfs/scotus/citizensunited_v_fec_acluamicus.pdf