... And rise again?
In the years up to 1967, a revolutionary wave in the British colony of Aden compelled the British Imperialists to withdraw. During the revolution, it soon became clear that the bourgeois and petit bourgeois democrats in the National Front were incapable of doing away with landlordism and solving the burning problems of the masses. The most revolutionary wing of the National Front was pushed to the foreground, and they were compelled to take power in 1969.
But in order to eliminate feudalism and landlordism they were compelled to go further and eliminate capitalism or rather those elements of capitalism that existed in South Yemen at that time. In 1970, South Yemen declared itself a “Marxist” state. In reality it was a military-police dictatorship which based itself on a nationalised economy but with the support of the overwhelming majority, especially of the active population. The Yemeni revolutionaries had as their model the revolutions in Cuba and China, and the regime that existed in Stalinist Russia.
Although South Yemen was one of the poorest countries in the world (and remains so), the abolition of landlordism and capitalism (or rather, those elements of capitalism that existed in South Yemen) allowed for some strides forward to be made. The country’s infrastructure was much improved. Education was made free. There was full employment. This period plays a significant role in the consciousness of the southern Yemeni masses, in a certain sense like the memories of the welfare benefits and planned economy of the GDR period for East Germans.
In the 1980s, the economy in South Yemen entered into crisis and stagnation (even though oil findings in the late 1980s helped somewhat). The bureaucratic mismanagement of the economy, combined with the isolation of the revolution in a backward country with scarce resources, became an absolute fetter on further development. Farmers refused to deliver food for the miserable prices they could get. Often, the only food available in Aden market was potatoes, bread and onions.
It was this impasse that led the leaders in the South to try to reach a compromise with the north through unification. In reality, this showed the complete bankruptcy of the Stalinists. What failed in the PDRY was not Marxism or Socialism, but Stalinism – i.e. the idea of “socialism in one country” and bureaucratic police-military rule without democracy for the workers and peasants.
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The Southern Movement reflects a deep-rooted discontent in South Yemen. At the same time, the fighting in the north between Houthi rebels, as well as the fight between tribal jihadists (ex-mujahideen who used to fight the Soviets in Afghanistan, and later fought against the “socialist” PDRY) and the government forces, reflects the fact that the regime has entered into conflict with the very same social forces that it used to lean on in order to crush the left wing. It is a reflection of disintegration in the regime, which again is a reflection of the complete impasse of the economy under the present feudal-imperialist order.
The Southern Movement remains an extremely heterogeneous force. Nevertheless, it is a real mass movement, through which the active layers of the population are fighting for better conditions. What is needed is a programme that breaks with landlordism and capitalism and seeks to spread the revolution across the whole of the Yemen.Marxists support the struggle against opression and theft perpetrated by the Sana'a government and the landlords - but the fight must be carried out along socialist lines. The struggle against Sana'a must be based on the demand for re-nationalization of the economy, but it must also seek to spread the revolution to the North as well as to Oman, Saudi Arabia and the rest of the region.
A socialist South Yemen enveloping the whole of the country, north and south, could be the first step in the socialist revolution throughout the region./...
http://www.socialistappeal.org/content/view/821/72/