is Bob Somerby's ongoing complaint against Kristof for not launching a direct attack on Sean Hannity. And whatever the merits of Somerby's argument, it's irrelevant to the gist of what Kristof is saying, which matches up with what Marshall Ganz, a former Obama campaign adviser, has said about Obama's messaging problem.
http://www.democraticunderground.com/discuss/duboard.php?az=view_all&address=389x9477208Out of curiosity, I searched Somerby's site for any complaints about Ganz, and did find him mentioning Ganz in a blog entry where Somerby was complaining himself, at length, over a year ago, about just how bad Democrats have been at messaging:
http://www.dailyhowler.com/dh090409.shtmlHe objected to Ganz, among others, wanting Obama to do better at messaging, because we don't have decades of better messaging for Obama to stand on. According to Somerby:
Frankly, it’s too late for Obama to make such appeals in any serious manner. Narratives develop over stretches of time; you can’t ask Obama to show up in the year 2009 and magically make up for decades of Democratic and liberal lethargy. The other side has been aggressively building its messaging—its frameworks—over the past forty-five years. People have heard these claims again and again, and many more times after that:
Big government never did anything right.
Liberal elites think they’re better than you are.
You can’t expect Obama to compensate for the lack of a strong, well-established counter-narrative. But if we ever do build such a narrative, it would probably turn on these points:
He even takes a swipe at Teddy Kennedy there, for supposedly not being effective enough at messaging.
But Somerby completely misses the point Ganz made in his more recent critique, about Obama's leadership style having changed from the transformational mode that made his campaign so successful to a transactional style that isn't getting the important messages out.
Somerby can complain all he wants about other Democrats' failures at effective messaging having made things harder for Obama, but he can't get around the fact that Obama managed to motivate many more voters, especially young voters, in 2008 than in 2010.
By the way, that Washington Post essay by Peter Dreier and Marshall Ganz in August 2009 actually seems even more perceptive now:
In the past few weeks, Obama has hinted that he might settle for reform without a public option, thus assuaging the Baucus caucus and the insurance industry but angering many of his progressive supporters.
At the same time, Obama's readiness to compromise hasn't mollified members of the small but vocal right-wing Republican network who, egged on by the conservative echo chamber, have disrupted town hall meetings across the country, warning of "socialized medicine" and other impending catastrophes. This has made it harder for Obama to argue for his proposals and has hurt his standing in public opinion polls.
If the unholy alliance of insurance industry muscle, conservative Democrats' obfuscation and right-wing mob tactics is able to defeat Obama's health-care proposal, it will write the conservative playbook for blocking other key components of the president's agenda -- including action on climate change, immigration reform and updates to the nation's labor laws.