After Allende's victory, Nixon, Kissinger, Helms, and John Mitchell met on September 15, 1970. Helms came from that meeting with the impression that "Nixon wanted a plan for action that would include a military coup and a broad-based destabilization effort that would 'make the economy scream.'" Helms' notes of the session read, "Not concerned with risks involved. Full time job -- best men we have."57 An additional $6 million was spent over the next three years,58 including $1.5 million to rightist candidates in the March, 1973 congressional election.59 The grand total of $8 to $11 million spend by the CIA since 1970 may have been worth $40 to $50 million after being funneled through the black market.60
On the day that Helms received his instructions from Nixon, the owner of El Mercurio, wealthy Chilean businessman Agustin Edwards, conferred with top officials of the Nixon administration.61 The El Mercurio network consists of newspapers, radio station, ad agencies, and a wire service; it dominates the Chilean media in audience, size, and prestige, and includes the three principal newspapers of Santiago and seven provincial papers.62 In the seven-month period from September 9, 1971 to April 11, 1972 the CIA spent $1.5 million on El Mercurio,63 but the funding also preceded and followed this period. El Mercurio may have been the recipient of almost half of the total CIA expenditures in Chile since 1970.64 In addition to the sort of ads that were used successfully in the 1964 campaign, CIA funding also sponsored mailings before the election on forged Popular Unity stationery to hundreds of thousands of voters. These mailings asked voters to list household goods and indicate whether they would be willing to share with the poor after the election.65 The CIA even purchased a radio station for the right-wing.66 The El Mercurio network was used by the CIA to "launder propaganda, disinformation, fake themes and scare stories which were then circulated through 70 percent of the Chilean press and 90 percent of the Chilean radio. The USIA and the Inter-American Press Association (IAPA) in turn circulated these stories all over the world."67 CIA agents at El Mercurio included Enno Hobbing, Alvaro Puga, and Juraj Domic.68
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http://www.namebase.org/chile.html~~~~~~CHILE: Media Empires Undermine Pluralistic Democracy
3rd December 2009
By Daniela Estrada
http://www.ipsnews.net/news.asp?idnews=49522SANTIAGO, Dec 3 (IPS) – Chile is a classic example of the concentration of media ownership in too few hands, says Chilean journalist María Olivia Mönckeberg in her latest book “Los magnates de la prensa” (The Press Magnates). If the state does not exercise stricter regulation, democracy itself may be undermined, she warns.
“Today, in the run-up to the celebration of the Bicentennial (of Chilean independence), I think we are facing the worst situation for freedom of expression and ownership of the media, in terms of democracy and pluralism, since the early 1990s,” when democracy was restored after 17 years of dictatorship, Mönckeberg told IPS.
Mönckeberg, who was awarded the National Journalism Prize this year, said concentrated ownership of the media is a worldwide problem, but added that “Chile is a rather special case” because the system is “more tightly closed, and very lightly regulated,” and has been taken over by “extremely right wing” economic groups.
Her book, “The Press Magnates: Media Concentration in Chile”, published under the Debate imprint by Random House Mondadori, was launched in Spanish on Nov. 11 in Santiago.
In its 522 pages, the journalist spells out in detail who owns the media in Chile, the help some of them received during the 1973-1990 dictatorship of the late general Augusto Pinochet, and the intricate political, economic, social and religious networks they comprise today.
The disturbing diagnosis by Mönckeberg, who is the present registrar at the University of Chile’s Communication and Image Institute, is set out on page one of the book, which she was able to finish thanks to a grant from the government National Book and Reading Fund.
“Paradoxically, when the Chilean press came to birth it was critical, libertarian and republican, flowing from the passionate pen of Fray Camilo Henríquez, who founded La Aurora de Chile, the country’s first newspaper, soon after the Declaration of Independence” in the early 19th century, she writes.
“But now that Chile is approaching its Bicentennial celebrations, its newspapers serve the interests of influential rightwing economic groups that are more concerned with consolidating their profits and projecting their ideology, than with reporting from a broad perspective and encouraging communication between citizens,” she adds.
Concentration of ownership is the overwhelming reality in the printed press; radio stations “show similar symptoms”; and television, launched originally by the Catholic University of Valparaíso, is highly commercial in nature, swamped with showbiz celebrities, reality shows, gory crime reports and sensationalism, Mönckeberg’s book says.
Among the media magnates scrutinised by the journalist and academic are Agustín Edwards Eastman, owner of the El Mercurio chain of newspapers, Álvaro Saieh, head of the Consorcio Periodístico de Chile (COPESA), and Sebastián Piñera, owner of the Chilevisión television channel and the presidential candidate for the rightwing Coalition for Change.
The El Mercurio group, with around 20 national and regional newspapers, and COPESA, which controls the newspapers La Tercera, La Cuarta and La Hora, a radio network and the magazines Qué Pasa and Paula, comprise a “duopoly” in the Chilean press.
“There is no room in these media for critical voices, or for views that differ from the editorial line, which takes a conservative position in politics and a neoliberal one in economics. Even the letters to the editor are examined through the filter of those who control these newspapers,” Mönckeberg writes.
“Their policy is to exclude articles that would displease the owners or their networks of friends, partners and advertisers. The journalists know this and toe the line, keeping quiet or practising self-censorship when they foresee that a given topic could be thorny or inconvenient,” she says.
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