Over at the Roosevelt Institute they're protecting FDR's legacy, and offering up a lot of analyses of Obama and FDR.
Today Krugman (who I now believe is protecting Clinton's legacy) jumps on Obama based on a piece posted at the Institute's blog.
Krugman:
FDR, Reagan, and ObamaSome readers may recall that back during the Democratic primary Barack Obama shocked many progressives by praising Ronald Reagan as someone who brought America a “sense of dynamism and entrepreneurship that had been missing.” I was among those who found this
deeply troubling — because the idea that Reagan brought a transfomation in American dynamism is a right-wing myth, not borne out by the facts. (There was a surge in productivity and innovation — but it happened in the 90s, under Clinton, not under Reagan).
All the usual suspects pooh-poohed these concerns; it was ridiculous, they said, to think of Obama as a captive of right-wing mythology.
But are you so sure about that now?
And here’s this,
from Thomas Ferguson: Obama saying
We didn’t actually, I think, do what Franklin Delano Roosevelt did, which was basically wait for six months until the thing had gotten so bad that it became an easier sell politically because we thought that was irresponsible. We had to act quickly.
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More and more, it’s becoming clear that progressives who had their hearts set on Obama were engaged in a huge act of self-delusion. Once you got past the soaring rhetoric you noticed, if you actually paid attention to what he said, that he largely accepted the conservative storyline, a view of the world, including a mythological history, that bears little resemblance to the facts.
And confronted with a situation utterly at odds with that storyline … he stayed with the myth.
I'm not even sure I understand Krugman's point. Most people believe Obama ran as a progressive, citing his rhetoric. Even Krugman has
accused him of that. Above, Krugman cites a comment about Reagan made during the campaign to claim the rhetoric wasn't progressive. So which is it? Did he campaign as a progressive or not?
Still, here's the crazy thing, in context, the quote Krugman cites appears to have been an awkward comment to
bloggers:
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THE PRESIDENT: But I guess I’d make two points. The first is, I’m President and not king. And so I’ve got to get a majority in the House and I’ve got to get 60 votes in the Senate to move any legislative initiative forward.
Now, during the course — the 21 months of my presidency so far, I think we had 60 votes in the Senate for seven months, six? I mean, it was after Franken finally got seated and Arlen had flipped, but before Scott Brown won in Massachusetts. So that’s a fairly narrow window. So we’re right at the number, and that presumes that there is uniformity within the Democratic caucus in the Senate — which, Barbara, you’ve been around a while. You know that not every Democrat in the Democratic caucus agrees with me or agrees with each other in terms of complicated issues like health care.
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This notion that somehow I could have gone and made the case around the country for a far bigger stimulus because of the magnitude of the crisis, well, we understood the magnitude of the crisis. We didn’t actually, I think, do what Franklin Delano Roosevelt did, which was basically wait for six months until the thing had gotten so bad that it became an easier sell politically because we thought that was irresponsible. We had to act quickly.
And getting 60 votes for what was an unprecedented stimulus was really hard. And we didn’t have the luxury of saying — first of all, we didn’t have 60 votes at the time. We had 58. And we didn’t have the luxury to say to the Senate, our way or the highway on this one.
So we did what we could in an emergency situation, anticipating that we were going to have to do more and hoping that we could continue to do more as time went on.
He was basically saying that he didn't do what FDR did because he didn't have the luxury of waiting until he had 60 Democratic votes or until things got so bad that that it became an "unprecedented national emergency" as FDR inherited (see below).
For all his dismay, Krugman was equally
dismayed when health care reform
nearly failed. He is one of its
strongest supporters.
Krugman<...>
Yes, I know, someone is going to tell me that this isn’t fundamental — but the truth is that the bill the Senate is about to pass looks a lot like the Obama campaign plan, so something real has happened. Give credit to Obama, or Harry Reid, or whoever; the fact is that four months ago the usual suspects were gleefully writing the obituary for reform, and have been sorely disappointed.
Wow, the President actually achieved something?
Anyway back to the Roosevelt Institute. Here is Roosevelt historian David Woolner (who also doesn't agree with the Obama quote):
Setting the Record Straight on Roosevelt <...>
Unfortunately for all of us, but especially for President Obama, who is no doubt sincere in his desire to move the country toward a shared sense of economic prosperity, the Congress he inherited in 2009 was nothing like the Congress that FDR faced in 1933. In FDR’s day, some of his strongest critics were conservative Democrats, while some of his strongest supporters were liberal Republicans. Congress also understood and agreed that the country was indeed facing an “unprecedented national emergency,” and as such tended to put the needs of the nation ahead of partisan political interests. In this much healthier political environment, the filibuster was a rare event and it was not only possible, but fairly common, for New Deal legislation to pass with both Republican and Democratic support. That is something for which all of us can be thankful, as many of the measures passed by Congress and the President more than seventy years ago have helped stop today’s Great Recession from becoming a second Great Depression.
moreWhen it comes to the poor and middle class, this country has been on the decline for decades.
posted
hereNotice that, today, the minimum wage adjusted for inflation is at the highest it has ever been in more than 20 years (blame Reagan for its decline), but it's still lower than it was in 1968. Things improved under Clinton, but get real, the problems didn't go away. It took Bush to trigger a near collapse.
It's okay to be disappointed in Obama, but let's not pretend he's failing where most other Presidents have succeed. Cornel West, who supported Obama, is now expressing
disappointment. (On edit) Still, I understand West's criticism because basically it could be applied to almost every U.S. President, the entire U.S. government and culture. Here is what West said in 2008:
Cornel West on the Election of Barack Obama:
"I Hope He Is a Progressive Lincoln, I Aspire to Be the Frederick Douglass to Put Pressure on Him"<...>
AMY GOODMAN: Professor Cornel West, you were a big supporter of Barack Obama, but you also have been giving speeches about holding him to account. What are the issues you are most concerned about right now?
CORNEL WEST: Well, I think, as a deep Democrat, I recognize I have some significant differences with Brother Barack. He’s a liberal. It looked like he wants to govern as a liberal-centrist, given the choices of Emanuel—Rahm Emanuel and others. And one has to be honest and candid in terms of one’s criticism, because in the end, it’s not about Barack Obama, it’s about empowering working people and poor people. It’s about trying to accent the dignity of those Sly Stone called “everyday people.” And when he moves in that direction, it’s good. When he doesn’t move in that direction, we need to criticize him. Same is true in terms of foreign policy: Latin America, Africa and the Middle East. We have to be honest about it.
For me, my criticism of Barack has to do with trying to acknowledge the degree to which, one, thank God we’re at the end of the age of Ronald Reagan, we’re at the end of the era of conservatism, we’re coming to the end of the epoch of the Southern Strategy. For the first time now, we’ve got some democratic possibilities. This has been a political ice age, and the melting is just beginning. And Barack Obama is a symbol, but we’ve got to move from symbol to substance. We’ve got to move from what he represents in a broad sense—and it’s a beautiful thing to have a black man in the White House, we know that, and black slaves and laborers and other white immigrants built the White House. And to have a black family there, significant; black face for the American empire, fine. Can we revitalize democratic possibilities on the ground with Barack in the White House? I think we can. We can put some serious pressure on him, and we can actually continue the democratic awakening among working people and poor people and push Barack in a progressive direction.
AMY GOODMAN: Can you talk about just this latest news that came out last night—of course, not the official announcement, but Eric Holder, the former deputy attorney general under President Clinton, being tapped as the next attorney general, if confirmed?
CORNEL WEST: Well, two things. First, on a personal level, I know Brother Eric Holder. I’ve spent good time with him in meetings and so on. He’s a brilliant lawyer. He’s a very decent human being. I know he was very upset about Clinton’s attitude toward crime. We know during the Clinton administration we got the tightening of the mandatory sentences that’s had devastating effects on poor communities, especially disproportionately black and brown poor communities. And Eric took a strong stand in that regard. I appreciate that, because there’s a sense that we kind of whitewash the Clinton administration—welfare bill, crime, deregulation and so forth. We’ve got to be honest about some of the flaws during the age of Reagan and the Clinton moments during the age of Reagan. And Eric did take a stand.
On the other hand, of course, I’m sure I have some disagreements with him. But I am a little suspicious, in fact, highly suspicious, of the degree to which my dear Brother Barack Obama seems to be recycling all of these Clintonites. I’m looking for an age of everyday people, not a Clintonite recycling in this new period. And so, I’m a little bit suspicious of this, though I think Eric Holder is much better than many of the other Clintonites that’s being recycled.
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CORNEL WEST: Yes. Well, I mean, one, I had a major clash with Brother Larry Summers. It was ugly. There’s no doubt about that. I’ve forgiven him, but it’s very clear that he has tremendous difficulty treating many people with decency and empathy. That’s far removed, of course, from his brilliance. He does have are brilliant mind.
The problem is, he has been a deregulator. He’s part of the Robin Rubin circle of Jason Furman and the others under Clinton. They were very much responsible for stripping the powers of the Glass-Steagall Act that made that crucial separation between investment and commercial banks. They’re responsible in part for the larger Greenspan-like shadow cast that wedded us to the dogma of unregulated markets that has led toward the near catastrophe and what Mike Davis rightly calls the financial Katrina, two million fellow citizens being pushed into homelessness. So it’s the political and ideological orientation of my dear Brother Larry Summers that deeply upsets me in terms of his character, in terms of his inability to treat so many of us with decency and empathy.
OK, I acknowledge that, but sometimes brilliant folk have social challenges. I can understand that. But it’s the political concern that I have about Brother Larry Summers, and I would think that we’ve got William Greider, we’ve got Joseph Stiglitz, we’ve got Sylvia Ann Hewlett, we’ve got Ben Barber, we’ve got Robert Kuttner, we’ve got a whole host of progressive economists who are actually coming up with visions of empowering poor people, that I would hope that my dear Brother Barack Obama would take seriously. Why stay with centrists like Robin Rubin and company?
Yeah, Obama should have stayed away from all the Clintonites, which also include Robert Reich and Joe Stiglitz, who helped to "define a new economic philosophy, a '
third way." People change.
In terms of perspective, these two posts by Axrendale are very enlightening.
The first
here<...>
Let's first take a look at some of the historical precedents that you hold up as being superior Presidential Legislators to our current POTUS. I find it interesting that you use Harry S. Truman as an example. "Give 'em Hell Harry" certainly did know how to roar from the Bully Pulpit with the best of them, and any liberal Democrat worth his/her salt can only experience a distinct feeling of pride that our party was once led by a such a man. The trouble with holding him up as a parable of how a President should get a legislative agenda passed through Congress when their party holds the majority however, is that Truman was, quite frankly, terrible at doing this. His approach to dealing with Congress had all the subtlety of a sledgehammer, and the (rather predictable) result was that in almost eight years of promoting his Fair Deal legislation, HST managed to get Congress to pass one - that's right, count 'em, one - of his initiatives in a form that he was prepared to sign - a housing bill that had been so watered down by the time it landed on his desk that it seems patently ludicrous to hold it up as any sort of example of "getting more and giving up less".
John F. Kennedy had something of a better time working with the Democrats in his two (or rather one and a half) Congresses, but not so much so that the last truly great President (every President since has been either of flawed greatness or a relative nonentity) can be trumpeted as having had enjoyed anything even close to the same level of success as that enjoyed by truly successful PLs. By 1963 the New Frontier initiatives that had managed to be signed into law were uniformly of a fairly minor note - and this was quite deliberate. JFK was more than canny a politician enough to understand that any political capital he sought to expend fighting to break the thoroughly conservative Congress of the time to his will would only be wasted - he would have to work with, not against, the legislators of his day. He did so in a manner highly reminiscent of that employed by Obama, incidently - and the result was that although Kennedy did not managed to achieve any overly flashy results in the short-term, he was able to get a good number of watered down measures enacted, and build up the foundations for much greater action in the future. Some might find this a little disappointing, but others would argue that it was better than the failure to get anything done at all. JFK always defined himself as a "pragmatic idealist" - he understood what he wanted and why, but he also understood the limitations of the political resources at his disposal, and sought to work within those boundaries.
The fact is that in the entire course of American political history, there have only ever been five Presidents who have succeeded in forming a contextually historic progressive legislative agenda and been able to compel/coerce Congress into enacting at least part of it into law - one Republican and four Democrats. They are: Theodore Roosevelt, Woodrow Wilson, Franklin D. Roosevelt, Lyndon Johnson, and... Barack Obama (John F. Kennedy and Richard Nixon might have made the list, but were respectively assassinated and disgraced before they could do so). Of these five, it is fairly safe to say that three of them can be singled out as possessing legislative accomplishments that stand out in scope above those of the other two: and those are Roosevelt, Johnson, and Obama, in that order (Obama's present legislative accomplishments probably hover in relative terms somewhere between those of Johnson and Wilson). The inclusion of our current President in that list for the results of his first two years (if some people think it unfair to rate Obama solely on the outcome of half his first term, it should be remembered that it is usual for Presidents to cram the bulk of their achievements into short periods of time. Most of Theodore Roosevelt's Square Deal was enacted from 1905 - 1906, Woodrow Wilson's New Freedom was largely confined to the period from 1913 - 1914, FDR's New Deal was at its height from 1933 - 1936, and LBJ's Great Society was brought about in bulk during the years prior to 1966) is all the more remarkable, one might note, as all of the four (with the exception of Wilson, in terms of numbers at least) 20th Century ones had at the time of their greatest legislative accomplishments significantly more in the way of political resources to draw upon than Obama ever dreamed of. Don't believe me? Let's take a look at the numbers:
- From 1905 5o 1906, when Theodore Roosevelt sought to ram as much of his Square Deal legislation through Congress as possible he was able to do so more than anything else by virtue of commanding a twenty-eight seat majority in the Senate (59 Republicans to just 31 Democrats) and a one hundred and sixteen seat majority in the House (251 Republicans to 135 Democrats), over both of which he was widely thought to hold even greater influence than Kaisar Wilhelm held over the Reichstag.
- From 1913 to 1914, Woodrow Wilson's Democratic coalition that he used to pass the New Freedom held an overwhelming majority in the House of one hundred and forty-seven seats (291 Democrats, 9 Progressives, and an Independent to 134 Republicans). Their majority in the Senate seemed less convincing on paper (51 Democrats and 1 Progressive to 44 Republicans), but this belied the reality that the entire progressive wing of the Republican party remained furious at the rejection of Theodore Roosevelt by the Party powerbrokers in 1912, and in revenge for this were more than willing to join with the Democrats in a coalition to enact that legislation they had been agitating for for years.
- The 74th United States Congress, which met from 1935 to 1936 and which was compelled by Franklin D. Roosevelt to pass a series of historic economic and social statutes that formed the keystone of the New Deal, did so partially thanks to FDR's matchless politicking, but partially also by virtue of being dominated by the most powerful legislative coalition ever to be assembled in American history. FDR enjoyed the loyalty of 69 Democrats, 1 Farmer-Laborer, and 1 Progressive against just 25 Republicans in the Senate, and 322 Democrats, 3 Farmer-Laborers, and 7 Progressives against just 103 Republicans in the House.
- When Lyndon B. Johnson rammed measure after legislative measure that collectively made up the bulk of the Great Society through the 89th US Congress from 1965 to 1966, he was in command of a legislative coalition that was almost as impressive as that presided over by FDR. 68 Democrats in the Senate (to 32 Republicans) and 295 Democrats in the House (against 140 Republicans) swore fealty to LBJ at the height of his power.
It is worth noting that despite holding these seemingly invincible majorities in both houses of Congress, TR, Wilson, FDR, and LBJ all had to wheel, deal, compromise, and negotiate like mad to get anything from the Legislative branch. Those who felt (and continue to feel) that the results each of these men achieved were somehow "half-measures" that could have been far better than they were (a famous story tells how Eugene Debbs, the leader of the American Socialist Party, was in the aftermath of the Social Security Act of 1935's enactment asked whether FDR had not carried out the Socialist agenda. "He certainly has carried it out", Debbs replied. "He has carried it out on a sretcher!") fail to appreciate just how much effort it really took to achieve even these "limited" results.
- We know come to Barack Obama and the 111th Congress. Over the past (almost) two years, Obama in seeking to enact his own legislative agenda (dubbed the "New Foundation") has been confronted with the realities of managing a legislative coalition that at its absolute height consisted of 58 Democrats and 2 Independents opposed by 40 Republicans, while in the House the Democratic coalition never achieved a greater strength than 258 Democrats to 177 Republicans - the smallest effective majorities on this list.
When one then factors in the die-hard opposition that the Democrats have faced from the Republicans, a phenomenon that almost resembles the fervor with which Southern politicians opposed Civil Rights legislation, applied universally to the agenda of the President, as well as the difficulty involved in simply maintaining cohesion within the ranks of his own party (a problem that has not been so pronounced in the House, but which has proved lethal to numerous pieces of legislation in the Senate), and a case can actually made that Obama was lucky to get as much out of the past eighteen months as he has.
Certainly one can argue (probably rightly) that he could have improved considerably on certain areas of his performance. But that is to neglect that there is much to the legislative record of the 111th Congress that is genuinely historic, and to dismiss the President as merely a bit-player in the process, crippled by a "lack of experience and expertise", is forgive me, to betray having paid little attention to exactly what role he did play. It was Obama's iniatives that resulted in a great part of the legislation that he has managed to sign into law, and a number of items that failed to be enacted. His initiatives and his negotiations, his attempts to fulfill on his promises, and his input into the contents of the legislation that will be his legacy, formed an influence on the legislative process since the beginning of his presidency, that for better or worse must be reckoned with as having been highly influential on the "contents of the sausages", so to speak. Like it or loathe it, the legislation that has become law, from the ARRA through to the Healthcare Bill, through to the Financial Regulation package, and beyond, bears Obama's signature in more ways than one. If Hillary Clinton or John Edwards had been the Democratic nominee in 2008, or if Bill Clinton had managed to evade the 22nd Ammendment and return for a third term, then their final tally of legislative accomplishments by this point would certainly have been very different from Obama's - but I for one am not at all sure that the differences would have been for the better. Those who complain of the Healthcare Bill's flaws have a number of very important points to make, but it is important to remember that we could just as easily have had no bill at all. The Financial Regulatory package could have been a lot stronger... but it could also potentially have been signiciantly weaker.
As a final note on the Stimulus bill, I agree with those who contend that it was/is not nearly large enough, but also tend to sympathize with those who contend that it was just about as a big as was reasonable to hope for from a strictly political standpoint. Perhaps it could have been made bigger, but not by enough to make a reasonable difference.
A note on the tax cuts however - it is certainly true that the ARRA contained within it one of the largest tax cutting programs in history. That does not however make them in any way, shape, or form in any way similar to Reaganomics, nor do they at all resemble the supply-side tax cuts that have done such harm over the past decade. The tax cuts that Obama pushed for were demand-side Keynesian tax cuts of the same kind as those which were pursued by John F. Kennedy and Lyndon Johnson in the 1960s. Certainly from an economic perspective government spending is far more effective at stimulating the economy than tax cuts (although these are very capable of providing some stimulus if they are properly aimed at the middle class), but the entire rationale behind "Reactionary Keynesianiam" has always been that it is more politically acceptable, even if it is less economically efficient, than Progressive Keynesianism (one thinks of FDR using military spending as a substitute for deficit spending in order to banish the last vestiges of the Great Depression).
The second
here<...>
It is indeed true that Franklin Roosevelt and Lyndon Johnson (and for that matter Woodrow Wilson, Harry Truman and Jack Kennedy) had an immense amount of trouble with the Southern Conservative wing of the Democratic party, to say nothing of numerous other factions amongst the party, from the Populists to the Silverites, all of whom had wildly different agendas. The Democratic party has always been a far more diverse and chaotic political organization than the Republican party, and it has historically been extremely rare for any party leader to get some measure of control over it as a whole (really the only ones who ever managed were Roosevelt and Johnson, and to an extent Clinton - but only after 1994).
The problem is that you are refusing to recognize that Obama has had to deal with the exact same problems of party factional management. You are kidding yourself if you think that he hasn't had to deal with a positive nightmare trying to get the Blue Dogs to stand in line long enough to get something done. And unlike Wilson (or Reagan, to use an example from the opposite side of the political spectrum) the opposition party has allowed him no opportunities to form an effective majority to overcome the conservatives within his own party. When Woodrow Wilson was passing the New Freedom legislation through the Senate, he was able to bypass a number of the more conservative Democratic Senators who were opposing his agenda because an entire wing of the Republican party (the Bull Moosers and progressives) were willing to vote with him - forming a coalition that had enough votes that the conservative wing of the Democratic was rendered irrelevant. In the times of FDR and LBJ, they had such large majorities that the conservative wing of the party was balanced out by enough moderates and liberals to largely squash the more unpleasant aspects of the Southern agenda (it ought to be remembered that many of the conservative Democrats were invaluable allies for FDR in overcoming the isolationists), and in addition to this there was a progressive/liberal wing of the Republican party that they could reach out to for the extra votes that they needed to again render the Southern Caucus irrelevant.
Obama has had none of these advantages of the past two years. There is no longer anything even resembling a liberal wing of the Republican party - the GOP has been virtually unanimous in its opposition to just about every single part of the President's agenda, from the Stimulus Bill to the Healthcare Bill to the Financial Regulation Bill, and so because of this he has been forced to look for almost all of his votes within his own party. Because the size of its majorities have not been anything even approaching the effective majorities that were commanded by Wilson, FDR, and LBJ (or even the paper majorities held by Truman and JFK), he has had to cope with his agenda effectively being held hostage by the Blue Dogs, and yet in spite of that he has managed to force initiatives through the Legislative branch that in relative terms surpass those of any other President save Roosevelt and Johnson. That is a significant achievement, like it or not.
When President Obama came into office, there was indeed a general expectation of great activity from him, and Congress was already churning over a number of ideas. But it was the President's initiatives, thrown into the mix, and the active role that he played in the development of the legislation that was ultimately passed and signed into law, that played the truly decisive role in the shaping of the substance of that legislation. For all that legislative sausage-making is a process that requires many hands working the machinery and feeding in the meat, it is Barack Obama who at the end of the day an honest assessment finds to be deserving of the lions share of the credit for the form and contents of the bulk of his "New Foundation" thus far. It is indeed the substance of any legislation that must be judged to determine its historic importance, and I would contend that the substance of the initiatives that Obama has been responsible for passing through Congress - yes, playing an active role in the forming and passing of the legislation by "working" the legislative branch, not merely just signing the end result - are more than enough for an evaluation of him as a Presidential legislator to find him to have surpassed the relative achievements of Theodore Roosevelt and Woodrow Wilson, and to be somewhere below Franklin Roosevelt and Lyndon Johnson (this is not surprising, as these two had respectively twelve and five years to work on their legislative legacies, whereas we are only evaluating Obama's first two years).
You continue to insist that "any" of the candidates running in 2008 could have gotten "just as much as Obama did". I continue to think that this is a positively ridiculous assertion. In 1993, when Bill Clinton - who you hold up as a "master" of "working Congress" - came into the Presidency with a legislative agenda of his own, he had Democratic majorities in both houses of Congress to work with that were on paper only the tinest fraction smaller than those which Obama had to work with: 57 Democrats in the Senate (to Obama's 58) and 258 Democrats in the House (to Obama's 258). Clinton had a Republican party to deal with that opposed his agenda, but not nearly to the same rabid extent to which they have opposed that of Obama, and the Blue Dogs were far less of an influential presence in the Democratic party in the 1990s. And yet Clinton utterly fluffed his chances of achieving an historic legislative agenda. His political management and party leadership during the first two years of his presidency were appalling by just about any standard, and the result was that while a few pieces of important progressive legislation were enacted (such as the Family Medical and Leave Act) and some controversial pieces (such as NAFTA), on the whole Clinton managed to get nothing done in his first two years (or for that matter his later six years) that would establish him in the eyes of history as a truly effective progressive Presidential legislator. John F. Kennedy and Richard Nixon (!) were more effective at "working" Congress to pass liberal legislation, and they all fall well below the four true greats of the 20th Century: Roosevelt, Wilson, Roosevelt, and Johnson.
When Barack Obama came into office by contrast, with legislative majorities just a shade larger than those Clinton had had, confronted with the Blue Dogs having significantly consolidated their influence and the Republicans more unified in their determination to stonewall everything and anything that the Democrats might try to do than they ever had been in history, he still managed to forge a legislative legacy that will likely be judged by history to have been significant indeed. His political style of working with Congress may have been inelegant, at times almost painful to watch (it put a very heavy emphasis on trying to avoid the mistakes that Clinton had made, especially his heavy-handedness), but it produced some powerful results. The iniatives that it was successful in enacting resulted in a Stimulus Package that contained at least five seperate pieces of legislation that count as truly historic (the largest tax cuts for the middle class in history, and the largest investments in infrastructure, education, medical research, and clean energy in history), a Healthcare Bill that might have been painfully watered down but which will still move America closer to universal coverage than we have ever been before (as well as containing such useful things as the Patients Bill of Rights), a Financial Regulatory package that might be far less than we might have hoped for, but which still represents the most powerful steps toward economic regulation since the New Deal, as well as an assortment of lesser accomplishments including hate-crimes legislation, regulation of the tobacco companies, a "Credit Card Bill of Rights", further initiatives concerning education and the environment, and an assortment of other accomplishments that easily rival the historic significance of anything that was ever accomplished by Bill Clinton or Jimmy Carter. A note might also be made on the subject of taxes. Not only did Obama's initiatives bring about sweeping tax cuts in the ARRA, but he then went on to introduce numerous tax cuts over the ensuing eighteen months, arguably establishing himself as a contender for the title of "most effective tax-cutting President". Is this a good thing? Yes it is. Because as much as we would all like to see a return of the progressive marginal income tax rates of the 1950s and '60s, and some more support for the heavily progressive estate tax that Theodore Roosevelt originally called for at the beginning of the 20th Century, it is at the same time highly refreshing to see a return of basic Keynesian economics to the Executive branch - understanding that tax cuts can provide a certain level of economic stimulus as long as they are aimed at the middle class - which is precisely where President Obama, following in the footsteps of JFK and LBJ (whose collective achievement of the Revenue Act of 1964, which was proposed by Kennedy and enacted by Johnson, is the greatest example in history of a tax cut boosting economic performance) has been aiming his tax cuts. Ever since the 1980s, conservatives have been working to shift the tax burden away from the wealthy and onto the middle class. By reducing the tax burden of the latter, Obama's tax policies might thus far be addressing only half of the problem - but that is certainly far more of the problem than might have been addressed otherwise.
You pose the question of what in Obama's legislative record thus far can be held up as an equivalent of Lyndon Johnson forcing the Civil Rights Acts of 1964 and 1965 through Congress even though he suspected that they would ensure the losing of the South. Contrary to what you may have expected when you posed that question, I have an answer for you. When Obama made the decision that the centerpiece of his legislative efforts in the first half of his first term would consist of a push for a Healthcare reform bill, he predicted (accurately, and giving the lie to those who insist that the President lacks a political intellect) that the fight to get such a bill enacted would cost him fifteen points in the polls, and possibly compromise his chances of reelection. He predicted this, and then he went on to engage in that struggle anyway, because he believed (and at this point it is looking like he was correct about this too) that if he didn't pass a major Healthcare bill at the begining of his presidency, then he never would.
Some people might disagree, but the fact that the President made such a call continues to give me some hope and admiration for him.
Comic relief:
Obama sucks. Please listen to my radio show. Wow. this President.
I voted for hope and change.
I didn't get too much change and I'm losing hope.
But I DO hope you will listen to
my radio show from 6-9a EST Monday through Friday.
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Edited to add a point about Cornel West.