Harry Reid earns his place in historyBy Greg Sargent
A month ago, with no members of the press present, Harry Reid gave a speech at the private wedding of his openly gay communications director, Jon Summers. According to a source who was present, Reid spoke powerfully in favor of equality for gay and lesbian Americans.
I'm reporting this previously undisclosed episode because I'm not sure folks fully grasp how instrumental Reid was in getting don't ask don't tell repealed. Specifically, I don't think it's clearly understood what was so effective about his strategy, and why it was central to getting this done against all odds.
It's worth stepping back and pondering how dramatic the reversal in Reid's fortunes has been in the past six months. Last summer, his reelection campaign was in so much trouble that people were openly speculating about who would succeed him as Majority Leader. Six months later, he has not only been reelected after presiding over one of the most productive Congresses in decades, but he's also earned himself a place in the history books for notching an accomplishment that rivals the great civil rights bills of the past.
How did Reid do it? Advocates for gay equality hammered Reid relentlessly throughout this process, erupting in anger each time he refused to state definitively that a DADT vote would happen or refused to clarify precisely when such a vote would happen. Advocates worried that Reid was going to let the session pass without a DADT vote at the behest of the White House, which was prioritizing New START above all else.
But Reid's approach paid off, and here's how. Recall what happened before the vote on the defense authorization bill containing DADT repeal was blocked by the GOP. Reid made a whole range of concessions to GOP moderates, bringing them to the brink of casting a Yes vote. When it became clear that Susan Collins's procedural demands risked throwing the lame-duck session into chaos, Reid's decision to fast-track the vote -- even though vote counters knew it would not pass if he did -- was roundly criticized.
In retrospect, it turns out Reid's gamble worked. Scheduling that first vote allowed moderates the room to register their procedural objections with a No vote. As Reid knew, he could then schedule a second, stand-alone vote, giving the moderates a bit more time and maneuvering room (and another round of meetings with military leaders) to come around to the Yes camp.
What's more, when Joe Lieberman and others started demanding that Reid hold the DADT vote before resolving New START, Reid saw the logic of this move. According to sources involved with the process, Reid had specifically delegated to Joe Lieberman the task of rounding up the votes, and assured him a vote would happen if he got to 60. Lieberman assured him he had over 60 in hand, and told him the prospects for repeal would be at risk if the vote were delayed. Reid forged ahead despite GOP threats that so doing could scuttle the START treaty. The rest is history.
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http://voices.washingtonpost.com/plum-line/2010/12/harry_reid_reconsidered.html