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It was an election that was indeed built upon the fundamental premise of bringing "change" to Washington of a kind that Obama himself is the first to observe has not occurred to anything even remotely resembling what was hoped for - on the contrary, the first two years of his presidency saw the political atmosphere grow even more heated, even toxic, than it had been previously.
What I think that a number of the disenchanted miss in their entirely understandable disappointment is that the person who was probably most disappointed of all in the failure to bridge the partisan gulf is none other than Obama himself. I have never doubted, nor do I doubt now, that his call for a new beginning in politics when he was running for President was anything other than heartfelt and genuine. An honest perusal of the record shows that upon assuming the Presidency, he bent over backwards in an effort to do what he had promised and reach out in an effort to break the cycle of what has been dubbed "business as usual" as he was so widely expected to do.
The reasons why he failed are in some ways long, varied, and complicated, but the essential thrust of it can be summed up thus: It takes two to tango. The Republicans made it very clear right from the get-go that they would act in virtual unanimity, a phenomenon almost unheard of in parliamentary political history, in mindlessly blocking/opposing almost every single part of the President's agenda, no matter what the merits of it might have been.
Although it is not appreciated by some, President Obama has shown clearly that he is possessed of a political intellect that one must harken back to the days of Richard Nixon in order to find its equal in sophistication. He read the tea leaves early on, and realised that almost before his presidency had really begun, he had reached a fork in the road of his political odyssey that would ultimately play a defining role in his ultimate legacy as President. He could on the one hand stake everything on his ability to persist in trying todraw together the divergent pieces of the body politic, seeking to act as the unifying statesman figure that so many hoped he could prove to be. If he chose this road then he might or might not have been successful, but he would almost certainly have failed to get any truly substantial reform enacted. Or he could pour everything that he had won in his historic election, throw all of his political capital, and use all of his ability, to seize the historic moment, carpe diem, and force from it all of the success in enacting his social and economic agenda that he possibly could. His thinking was no doubt heavily influenced partially by the knowledge that such great opportunities for vast legislative successes come but rarely, but more immediately by the sheer extent of the crises that faced America when he assumed the mantle of power. As he noted at the time, more than anything else this was a time for action.
Whether in choosing to become a great Presidential Legislator rather than a great unifyer Obama made the right choice, is a question that historians will no doubt continue to debate for years. Some might look upon the first half of his first term as a missed opportunity, while others might point to the sheer hopelessness of the path that he refused to take, stressing that it would have been as futile an effort as Lincoln seeking to prevent the Civil War from breaking out. Instead Obama, like Lincoln, chose to fight, and to do so in ways that might not always have been palatable, but almost always produced laudable results.
In any case it wwould be churlish to think that Obama did not mourn, and continues to mourn, his failure to come good on the central promise of 2008 right from the get-go. Still, he no doubt takes a considerable amount of pride, and indeed should command no small level of admiration, for the very real moral courage that it took to pursue the course that he did. It is encapsulated well in the episode of Healthcare Reform, an initiative that Obama, almost alone, insisted on pursuing in the face of frantic opposition from most of those around him, from his staff, friends, and advisors to his major political allies. The President himself was under no illusions about just what the cost of the struggle, in which success was no guarentee, would cost both him and the nation. He predicted at the very start that the battle would likely cost him "fifteen points in the polls" (an uncannily prescient estimate), alienate many of his supporters, and possibly even compromise his chances of reelection. But like Lyndon Johnson pursuing Civil Rights even in the face of his conviction that it would "deliver the South to the Republicans for a generation", he felt that he had no choice other than to go ahead with it.
Obama's story however, is not yet over, not by a long shot. Having won over the last two years legislative victories that arguably eclipse those of any other President save Franklin Roosevelt, he is now in the midst of what can only be described as a process of profound reinvention, of his presidency, of himself, and if his efforts bear out mabye even of the political scene itself. He was "walking on air" in the words of a confidante, following the bipartsian victories of the Lame Duck session of Congress, in the words of another "finally becoming the President that he wanted to be". If his stirring address in Tuscon and and his brilliant recent State of the Union prove to be the beginning of a pattern, he may be engaged in carrying out a political pivot of a kind that has not really been seen on such a high level since those which FDR so excelled at. Obama has not forgotten his earlier promises, he still has half of his first term to go, wants to win a second one, and I think is going to do his best to make good on them.
This is not about "enriching the bigs just to play ball" any more than it is about "proving how much it would suck if the other guy won". That is what President Obama's enemies stand for, not him. He stands for doing whatever he has to to unite the country behind him as he attempts to fulfill on a vision that embraces the social, economic, and political scenes of America, to try and build a better future for Americans both alive and yet unborn. That vision, if implemented even in part, could do extraordinary good for millions of people, and it is that good that I think should be focussed on, not whether some undeserving may benefit from the political process required to bring it about. It should not be about how bad they other side is, but about how good our side is. As John F. Kennedy said, it is about having idealism, but without illusions. Our country was founded upon the principles of compromise and deal-making after all - it has been that way since the Founding Fathers struggled and fought with each other in the process of crafting and ratifying the Constitution.
Of all the public figures today, Barack Obama remains the one who I trust most to successfully act as the Helmsman who can guide the Ship of State through these troubled times. And if recent polls are any indication, more and more of the American people are coming to the same conclusion.
Just because the figure who so inspired us before has been briefly obscured from us, concealed behind the overwhelming volume of the legislative and executive process, the desperate attempt to ward off crisis and fashion a response to it that will serve the future as well as the present, does not mean that the inspiring figure is not still there. And seeing him beginning to emerge again, I for one find him just as inspiring as before.
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