And you wonder why it is such a divisive subject on a Liberal web site, where we supposedly have empathy for others?
Extremely fitting that you inserted the word
supposedly into this sentence, since the progressive "empathy" to which you refer is a
faux empathy in that it applies only in one direction. Where is the empathy for the innocent victims of assault who choose to defend themselves with the most effective means at their disposal? The fact that defensive gun use outnumbers offensive gun uses is now indisputable, given the fact that numerous national studies have proven so ---- including the NSPOF designed by two pro-"control" supporters:
http://www.ncjrs.gov/pdffiles/165476.pdfThe fact that the pro-"control" supporters display no intellectual curiosity whatsoever w/regard to the proven high numbers of defensive gun uses demolishes the notion of the "empathetic liberal" as far as the guns/violence issue is concerned. Further, you would think that the
empathetic liberal would be greatly impressed by the fact that in over 90% of these defensive gun uses the firearm
isn't even discharged! Then there is the issue of the indifference to dramatic drops in gun-related accidents that coincide with large increases in the gun stock:
C. Fraudulent Suppression of the Steep Decline in Fatal Gun Accidents
The health advocate shibboleth posits a simple, simplistic, patterned relationship between guns and social harms: More guns equal more homicide, suicide and fatal gun accidents--and stricter gun control equal fewer such tragedies. But this shibboleth is diametrically contradicted by the decline in accidental gun fatalities since the late 1960s. An unparalleled increase in handgun ownership coincided not just with no increase in fatal firearms accidents, but with a steep decline. The thirteen years from 1967 to 1980 saw the addition of more new handguns to the American gunstock than had been bought in the preceding sixty-seven years of the twentieth century; and the seven years from 1980 to 1986 saw the addition of half as many more new handguns as were bought in the century's first sixty-seven years.<176> Yet those same twenty years saw fatal gun (p.557)accidents steadily decline from 2,896 in 1967 to 1,452 in 1967, even as population substantially increased.<177>
In sum, over those twenty years the per capita fatal gun accident rate decreased by two thirds, though the handgunstock grew 173%, from 27.8 million to 63.9 million. In the years since 1986 fatal gun accidents have remained stable at approximately 1400-60, despite continued large increases in both the handgunstock and the population.<178> Later in this article we note the correlation of this steady twenty-year decline with the steady displacement over that period of the long gun by the much safer handgun as the weapon kept loaded for defense in American homes and businesses. But for now we focus not on the cause of the decline, but on health advocacy's lack of interest in that cause or in the decline itself. For now we treat the cause as unknown (though not unknowable) so as to explore what the health advocates' uninterest reveals about their claim of studying gun issues out of a single-minded concern to preserve human life.
Were health advocates rationally concerned about preserving human life, a two-thirds decline in fatal gun accidents should have been of great interest to them. Even in the absence of such concern, any honest scholarly proponent of the health advocacy shibboleth would be deeply interested in a phenomenon that diametrically contradicts that shibboleth. The interest should have been particularly intense and urgent for scholars motivated not by academic curiosity alone, but also by concern to preserve human life. After all, there must be some explanation for a two-thirds reduction in accidental gun deaths, and particularly for it's coinciding with a 173% increase in handguns. If that mysterious explanation could be determined, it might suggest strategies to reduce gun suicide or gun murders as well.<179> This potential should especially have attracted health (p.558)advocates; for, as we shall see, they have a penchant for combining statistics of gun fatality by suicide, homicide and accident into one homogeneous group, as if the three were related or homogeneous phenomena.Of course, upon investigation it might turn out that no ready explanation can be found for the decline in gun accidents. Or, if an explanation is determinable, it might not be helpful in curbing gun murders and/or suicides. But the possibility that investigation could be fruitless does not explain, much less justify, the health advocates' total lack of interest in pursuing such an investigation--the fact that the decline itself has gone virtually unmentioned and that there has been no focus at all on its implications in the health advocacy literature against guns.<180>(p.559)
This total disinterest has an interesting implication of its own. Without denying that health advocates do care about reducing gun death, their disinterest in the twenty-year decline in accidental death implies that their concern is severely compromised by their hatred of guns. Though avowing a deep and single-minded concern to save lives, they seem interested only in ways of doing so which involve reducing access to guns. At least we can think of no other reason for their total lack of interest in finding out how and why accidental gun death could decline by two thirds over a period when the handgunstock was increasing by 173%.The main and originally purpose of guns is to kill things
Among cheap and lazy red herrings, this ranks as among the very cheapest and laziest. It matters little what the "original" purpose of guns is since defensive gun uses outnumber offensive gun uses. The best empirical evidence now demonstrates that defensive gun uses in all probability save more lives than offensive gun uses claim. Why not demonstrate the courage of your convictions and take X_Digger up on his offer and join in on the conversation he linked to? Here's Steve M's eloquent smackdown of the "guns are designed to kill" canard:
And we come to "the purpose of guns is to kill" flippant, used as moral condemnation of the object, and by inference, the user/possessor. This is the chief dynamic of prohibition politics, and isn't the core of this discussion, but its use as a moral bludgeon assumes there is unexplained moral content in the "argument." Clearly, those using this argument have a real responsibility to explain it, but I see little of that. So I propose to take on the responsibility. To put it crudely, what is so "good" or "bad" about an object whose purpose, when used at its full capability, is to kill?
I believe nearly all instances of killing humans is regrettable. This is not to say that in a given situation the killing was not "justified," only to say that I can relate to the deceased human and experience regret. Some people see ANY "killing" as sufficient to condemn the object and user. Thus, a factory-built pump shotgun, designed for general bird and small game hunting, is designed for killing; ergo, it falls into the same category as a fixed-sight "service" revolver for LEOs. Thus the range of moral condemnation is expanded, even if the "designed" killing was of animals. For those who use the "purpose is to kill" argument, but recognize a more reasonable order of life-value, the response is: This humble shotgun CAN be used to kill people. Certainly it can, but at that juncture the automobile metaphor raises its turret top: the car was not designed to kill people, but it surely does. Now, this more "reasonable" person with the more "reasonable" position must either embrace the more extreme "ALL killing of ALL living things is bad," or concede that most shotguns are not designed to kill people, but are subject to misuse.
I believe those who wield the argument "guns are designed to kill" innately recognize the capacity -- even the desire -- to kill in everyone, including themselves, and point to an object that is relatively "unquestioned" in its purpose and seek to ban the thing as it reminds or spurs on man's capacity to kill or think about killing. This is compounded by a "vulgar passive-ism" which seems to be a refusal to engage in self-defense, lest one give in to the impulse to kill. Gandhi recognized this impulse, and decried those who would stood idly by and not defend, either by non-violent action or by violence, his/her life, loved ones, religion and property.
To return to prohibition, this ruinous "public policy" probably has its roots in the strictures of religion, even if this country has long since passed into a secular society. Those who seek prohibition probably have lost faith in government as a resolver of societal needs and problems (at least as much as many of the conservatives they condemn), and fall back on arguments which proscribe a condition which prohibition will bring about. This won't happen, of course, but then the societal conditions sought are secondary for these folks: The chief purpose of prohibition is moral validation of a "better life," or merely a set of unrealized values, by an authority "bigger" than oneself... government and the coercive force which comes with it. (This reliance on government force as weapon-of-choice is a peculiarly conservative notion, but that is lost on many.) In short, the feeling of vindication and satisfaction is in forcing those whom you condemn to stop doing this or possessing that with the threat of punishment, ubermensch.
The unexplained argument "The purpose of guns is to kill" is a marker used in a game whose objective is to declare: "My morals are more moral than your morals." It has no real place in social policy or governance except to write-large one's own feelings of outrage. Fundamentally, I am not concerned that I possess an object (gun) that "is designed to kill."